Gay, married, or in the military: pick 2

Posted on February 3, 2010 by Eric Verlo

I admit to feeling less supportive than I ought to for gays pushing for their right to wed — in the midst of every American’s crumbling civil rights — while our country decimates foreign human rights and lives. Couldn’t gay marriage activists at least share the spotlight with peace, out of consideration for the suffering of others, proportionately? How about: Make Love (Marital), Not War. Now gay rights are being made a wedge issue with the dubious right to aspire to be a soldier. Is now the time for us to urge the military to leave no gay behind?

I object as always to the presumption of a professional soldier’s moral validity.

To be fair, it may be that the gays-in-the-military meme is being pressed upon the gay activists. These days, military enlistment has lost a great deal of its appeal. Who can the Army pretend wants to join but can’t? Who else but a demographic that’s been historically denied? I can’t say for certain that gay rights activists haven’t been rallying at recruiting offices, but reporters always seem to find someone to complain they’re being discriminated against. No doubt the war-monger message-shapers can always track down one lone homosexual or two who want to play soldier.

With today’s economy, I’m sure there are not a few gay men and women who will decry the unfairness of being denied the military career path. Being gay doesn’t mean you’re a born hairdresser or a saint. Belonging to a victimized minority doesn’t automatically imbue you with empathy or a higher social conscience to preclude wanting to be a soldier. Gays can hate and kill with the best of grunts I’m sure.

The purpose of circulating this meme, that gays want the right to serve their country in uniform, doesn’t mean the Department of Defense intends to consider granting the right. This is not about enhancing gaydom. This is about putting some spin on the department’s recruiting problems. Who says no one wants to enlist? Gays do! This pseudo-rights campaign is meant to push straight boys into military service while they think it’s their exclusive right. Not only that, the campaign theme serves to reinforce that the military will be your sanctuary from gays. And if any lurk in the barrack, at least they are prohibited from showing it. In everyday civilian life, gays were much more bearable before they held parades to shove it in your face.

American media has come to delight in gayness writ Big Gay Al. But South Park is the only showcase for gay characters who aren’t the stereotypical decorator or fashion nerd. The gay home makeover does not cease to be a novelty, but I’d say the focus group is still out on construction contractor bears, gay bar trolls, and United Court female impersonators.

Without saying gays not welcome, the move to reexamine Don’t Ask Don’t Tell is really just spiffing up the old brand. Army of One, still gay-free.

What was the announcement today? That after years of criticism for the Don’t Ask Don’t Tell policy, the military has decided to put the question to further study. That is to say, to begin a year-long inquiry into the matter. The Army is still gay-free, in all certainty will remain so, now with a year’s warranty.

I have this message for my gay compatriots in activism. If this issue is being forced on you, and you abhor as I, the loaded nature of the media soundbite, the implication that people want to be in the military, it seems to me you have have a unique opportunity to make this message your own. Do you want to be in the business of soldiering? Tell them why.

Tell them why you want to go to war. Borrow a page from the testosterone-heavy war lovers. War crime, playing god, abuse of authority, yours for the taking.

Decry the stereotypes of gays as effete fops. Gays can kill, gays can have blood lust. Gays can shoot at women and children, maybe even with greater enthusiasm. I’ll bet gays could absolutely massacre women. And girls. With relish. If the Army is going to peddle stereotypes, answer in kind.

No telling what gays can do to boys. They can give boys equal time, the menace today’s soldiers reserve for girls. No one’s children will be safe. A gay-straight platoon will wreak havoc on all enemy’s progeny.

Imagine an inter-squad rivalry between the straights and the gays, who can out-debauch whom. Clearly an enhancement on America’s war of terror.

Who were the 1,415 victims in Gaza?

Posted on November 26, 2009 by Eric Verlo

Americans aren’t accustomed to seeing their adversaries as human. The victims of our wars remain faceless and nameless, and maybe as a consequence we accept that our military “doesn’t do body counts.” Not only do we minimize the number of civilians we kill, but their deaths are commodified as “collateral.” Our military proxy in the Middle East does the same. In last year’s attack on Gaza, Israel calculated its casualties in three digits. Those killed behind the confines of Gaza may be faceless to Americans and Israelis, but they leave behind loved ones and dependents, and of course, they had names.

The IDF dismiss the 1415 victims as Palestinian propaganda. But here are their names. Notice, it is not enough that the dead be identified, but each name is accompanied with their address, and location where the death can be verified. Not only must Palestinian civilians mourn their loved ones, they have to account for them.

This list is made available by the Palestinian Center for Human Rights and commemorates “The Dead in the course of the Israeli recent military offensive on the Gaza strip between 27 December 2008 and 18 January 2009.”

The victims are listed in order of casualty, grouped by date. Each person has a number, for those counting in the West, as well as name, sex, age, vocation, home address, date of attack if different from date of death, location of attack if different from address, and designation as militant if not purely civilian. I can’t find fault with those Gazans who took up arms against an indiscriminate incursion into their homes and neighborhoods.

——————————————-
PALESTINIAN CENTRE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
???????? ??????? ?????????? ??????????

DECEMBER 27, 20081
Mustafa Khader Saber Abu Ghanima
Male 16 Student
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza

2
Reziq Jamal Reziq al- Haddad
Male 21 Policeman
al-Sha’af / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

3
Ali Mohammed Jamil Abu Riala
Male 24 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

4
Ahmed Mohammed Ahmed Badawi
Male 27 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Al-Mashtal Intelligence Outpost/ Gaza

5
Mahmoud Khalil Hassan Abu Harbeed
Male 31 Policeman
Martyr Bassil Naim Street/ Beit Hanoun
Al-Mashtal Intelligence Outpost/ Gaza

6
Fadia Jaber Jabr Hweij
Female 22 Student
Al-Tufah / Gaza

7
Mohammed Jaber Jabr Hweij
Male 19 Student
Al-Tufah / Gaza

8
Nu’aman Fadel Salman Hejji
Male 56 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Tal al-Hawa

9
Riyad Omar Murjan Radi
Male 24 Student
Yarmouk Street / Gaza
Al-Sena’a Street / Gaza

10
Mumtaz Mohammed Ramiz al-Banna
Male 37 Policeman
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

11
Ahmed Hamdi Youssef al-Dreimly
Male 26 Policeman
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Saraya Security Service Compound/ Gaza

12
Fares Isma’il Helmi al-‘Ashy
Male 28 Policeman
Remal/ Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

13
Naser Mahmoud Mas’oud Hammouda
Male 35
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Wa’ed Society for Prisoners / Gaza
Militant

14
Munir Amin Mass’oud Hammouda
Male 32
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Wa’ed Society for Prisoners / Gaza
Militant

15
Ahmed Adnan Hamdi Hammouda
Male 25
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Wa’ed Society for Prisoners / Gaza
Militant

16
Ibrahim Mahmoud Abdul Hafiz al-Farra
Male 23 Policeman
Khan Younis
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

17
Mohammed Abdul Karim Ramadan al- ‘Aklouk
Male 24 Policeman
Jabalyia / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

18
‘Ali Marwan ‘Ali Abu Rabi’a
Male 21 Student /UNRWA
Gaza Training college
Rimal/ Gaza
Al-Sena’a Street/ Gaza

19
Ra’ed Nazmi Mohammed Dughmosh
Male 36 Policeman
Dughmosh area / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

20
Munir Mansour Ahmed Esbeita
Male 25 Policeman
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

21
Deya’a Talal Kamel al- Habil
Male 22 Policeman
al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Near al-Katiba Mosque/ Gaza

22
Mayssara Hamed Mohammed Bulbul
Male 21 Policeman
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

23
Nazik Hassan Yasin Abu Raia
Female 28 Policewoman
Tal al-Za’atar area/ Northern Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza

24
Khamis Mustafa Mahmoud Abu Ramadan
Male 52 Driver
Near Abu Iskandar Roundabout / Gaza
Near al-Shifa Hospital / Gaza

25
Mahmoud Mtaw’e Mahmoud al-Khaldi
Male 39 Policeman
Al -Jala’a Street / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

26
Mohammed Khamis
Male 27 Policeman
Gaza airport area / Al-‘Abbas Police Gaza
Hassan Habbush behind al-Quds international Hotel/ Gaza Station/ Gaza

27
Shadi Jawad Khalil Qweider
Male 24 Policeman
Al-Daraj / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

28
Jihad Ziyad Badawi al-Gharabli
Male 24 Policeman
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

29
Mohammed Khamis Mohammed Baker (Zughra)
Male 21 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Al-‘Abbas Police Station / Gaza

30
Ahmed Mohammed Nafez Abu Hadayed
Male 21 Policeman
Khan Younis
Presidential Compound / Gaza

31
Rafiq Musa Abu ‘Ujeirim
Male 30 Policeman
Khan Younis

32
Haneen Wa’el Dhaban
Female 15 Student
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza
Near Preventive Security HQ / Gaza

33
Adham Hamdy Al-‘Udeini
Male 19 Student/UNRWA Gaza Training College
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
Al-Sena’a Street/ Gaza

34
Wafa’a Marwan ‘Ali al-Dsouqi
Female 18 Student/UNRWA Gaza Training College
Khan Younis
Al-Sena’a Street/ Gaza

35
‘Allam Nehru Jawdat al-Rayyes
Male 18 Student
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Al-Sena’a Street/ Gaza

36
Hisham Mohammed Shehada Seyam
Male 27
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Militant

37
Ehab Abdullah Mohammed Hamdan
Male 21 Policeman
Bir al-Na’aja / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

38
Na’im Reziq Hassan Jendeya
Male 27 Jobless
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza
Militant

39
Iyad Ziyad Fares Jaber
Male 32 Jobless
Al-Daraj / Gaza
Al-Tufah

40
Diab Rebhi Diab al-Haddad
Male 20 Policeman
Al-Tufah / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

41
Mohammed Tawfiq Mohammed al-Nemra
Male 22 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

42
Ziyad ‘Adel Mustafa al-Najjar
Male 24 Policeman
Khan Younis
Presidential Compound / Gaza

43
Sa’ad Mohammed ‘Antar Esleem
Male 28 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Al-Katiba Mosque/Gaza

44
Mohammed Ziyad Sadiq al-Nabih
Male 27 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

45
Hatem Khader Mohammed ‘Aiyad
Male 30 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

46
Nizar Ibrahim Mohammed al-Deiry
Male 34 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza

47
Mohammed Baker Mohammed al-Nims
Male 31 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Near al-Katiba Mosque / Gaza

48
Mohammed Nabil Mohammed Barghouth
Male 28 Policeman
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
presidential compound / Gaza

49
Mahmoud Mohammed Hilmy al-‘Amarin
Male 28 Policeman
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza

50
Muhannad Hussein Moussa Abu Draz
Male 28 Policeman
Abasan al-Kabira / Khan Younis
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Militant

51
‘Umar Baker Musa Shamaly
Male 23 Policeman
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

52
Abdul Kader Mohammed Abdul Kader Diab
Male 33 Policeman
Tal al- Hawa / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

53
Hamed Fou’ad Shehda Abu Yasin
Male 24 Policeman
Al-Twam area /’Amer housing project / near al-Mashtal Intelligence Outpost
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

54
Baha’a Zuheir ‘Adel al- Khaldi
Male 26 Policeman
Tal al-Za’atar area / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

55
Mahmoud Juma’a Mohammed al-Labban
Male 20 Policeman
Al-Naser / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

56
Yahya Ibrahim Abdul Jawad Diab
Male 30 Worker
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Wa’ed Society for Prisoners / Gaza
Militant

57
Yasmin Wa’el Dhaban
Female 17 Student
Tal al -Hawa / Gaza

58
Abdul Hamid Jamal Khaled al-Sawi
Male 15 Student
Al-Tufah / Gaza

59
Akram Mohammed Ahmed Abu Zriba
Male 32 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

60
Ramadan Ahmed Ibrahim Abu Kheir
Male 23 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

61
Adib Hassan Abdul ‘Aziz Abu Harb
Male 32 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp /Gaza
Al-’Abbas Police Station / Gaza

62
Ahmed Hani Ahmed Qannou’a
Male 24 Policeman
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

63
Salim Khalil al-Banna
Male 24 Policeman
Al-Naser District
Presidential Compound / Gaza

64
Tha’er Mohammed Hassan Madhi
Male 22 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

65
Mohammed Sa’adi Mohammed al-Qatati
Male 30 Driver
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

66
‘Aisha Suleiman Hammad Rafi’
Female 52 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

67
Hussam Sa’id Mohammed Seyam
Male 27 Policeman
Sheikh Radwan / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

68
Mohammed Ahmed Mahmoud al-Adgham
Male 25 Policeman
Sheikh Radwan / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

69
Fayez Mohammed Abed Eqteifan
Male 45 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

70
Hammam Mohammed Moussa Mohammed al-Najjar
Male 24 Policeman
Rimal / Gaza
Al-Mashtal Intelligence Outpost/ Gaza

71
Wisam Abdul Majid Ibrahim al- Quqa
Male 27 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

72
Farouq Fou’ad Mohammed Esleem
Male 21 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Al-Mashtal Intelligence Outpost/ Gaza

73
‘Imad Abdul Mu’in Abdullah al-Barbari
Male 22 Employee
Yarmouk Street / Gaza
Al-Nafaq Street / Gaza

74
Salah Mohammed Saleh al-Kheiry
Male 23 Policeman
Sheikh Radwan / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

75
Ahmed Mohammed Shreiteh al-Kurd
Male 35 Policeman
Beit Lahiya / near al-Mashtal Intelligence Outpost
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

76
Sabri Jebril Sabri al-Rafati
Male 26 Policeman
Al-Mashahra neighborhood / Gaza
Al-’Abbas Police Station / Gaza

77
Amjad Maher Ahmed Mushtaha
Male 28 Policeman
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

78
Mohammed Amin Mass’oud Hammouda
Male 25 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Wa’ed Society for Prisoners / Gaza
Militant

79
Belal Mohammed Hussein ‘Umar
Male 20 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

80
Bassam Issa Qasem al-‘Akkawi
Male 27 Policeman
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza

81
Yahya Ibrahim Farouq al-Hayek
Male 13 Student
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza

82
Mohammed Talal Kamel al-Habil
Male 20 Student
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Near al- Katiba Mosque / Gaza

83
Abdul Rahman Nizar Zuhdi Shahato
Male 22 Policeman
Northern Rimal/ Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza

84
Suhaib Fawzi Salman Abdul ‘Al
Male 28 Policeman
Yarmouk Street / near Yarmouk Mosque/ Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

85
Yousif Rafiq Mohammed al-Deiri
Male 33 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

86
Maher Isma’il Diab ‘Azzam
Male 37 Policeman
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Al-Katiba Mosque / Gaza

87
Rami Jihad Mohammed al-Salut
Male 27 Medical lab. Specialist/
Military Medical Services
Sheikh Radwan / Gaza
Near al-Shifa Hospital / Gaza

88
Mohammed Abdul Kader Mubarak Saleh
Male 26 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

89
Mohammed Abdul Wahhab Abdul Rahman ‘Aziz
Male 20 Policeman
Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

90
Yehia ‘Awni ‘Awad Muheisen
Male 30 Policeman
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

91
Hisham Nehru Jawdat al-Rayyes
Male 25 UNRWA
Gaza Training College\ Gaza
Al-Sena’a Street/ Gaza

92
Jamil Nasri Mohammed Abdul- ‘Al
Male 28 Policeman
Al Yarmouk Street/ Gaza
Ansar Security Service Compound

93
‘AliYahia Mohammed Banat
Male 31 Policeman
Al-Jala’a Street / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

94
Mansour Yaser Mohammed al-Turk
Male 29 Policeman
Rimal / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

95
Hussam Mohammed Hammad al-Majayda
Male 26 Policeman
Khan Younis
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

96
Fayez Fayeq Ahmed Abu al-Qumsan
Male 20 Policeman
Jabalyia / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

97
Walid Jabr Mohammed Abu Hein
Male 37 Policeman
Juhr al-Dik / Gaza
Saraya Security Service Compound/ Gaza

98
Naser Abdullah Sha’aban al-Gharra
Male 46 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

99
Mohammed ‘Adnan Salim ‘Attallah
Male 26 Policeman
Rimal/ Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza

100
Tala’at Mukhlis Khalaf Basal
Male 19 Policeman
Al-Tufah / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

101
Sha’alan, Abdul Latif Khalil Abdul Salam
Male 33 Policeman
Al-Jala’a Street / Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza

102
Majed Tawfiq Mohammed Mteir
Male 46 Policeman
Al-Naser / Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza

103
‘Ammar Khamis ‘Umar al-Lad’a
Male 25 Policeman
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

104
Wa’el Mohammed Marzouq al-Sha’er
Male 24 Policeman
Khan Younis
Presidential Compound / Gaza

105
Mohammed Zuheir al-‘Aydi Abu Sha’aban
Male 20 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza

106
Ibrahim Yousif Ahmed Nofal
Male 42 Policeman
Al-Naser / Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza

107
Jaber Jabr Ibrahim Hweij
Male 51 Al-Tufah/ Gaza

108
Rami ‘Amer Deeb Abdul Halim
Male 18
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

109
Wa’el Samir ‘Ali al-Hawajri
Male 33 Policeman
Tal al-Za’atar area / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

110
Hisham Salim Abu ‘Ajwa
Male 48 Policeman
Al-Naser / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

111
Ala’a Fadel Mohmmed ‘Afana
Male 23 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Al-’Abbas Police Station / Gaza

112
Ra’afat Ahmed ‘Oda ‘Eqeilan
Male 32 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

113
Tawfiq Jabr Mohammed Yousif
Male 47 Policeman
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

114
Ahmed Abdul Majid Hussein Abu ‘Oda
Male 21 Policeman
Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City/ Middle Gaza

115
Hassan Isma’il Hassan Abu Shanab
Male 26 Policeman
Sheikh Radwan / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

116
Abdul Rahman Ahmed Khamis aL-Shweiki
Male 22 Policeman
Al-Daraj / Gaza

117
Ra’afat Nabil Sha’aban Shameya
Male 28 Policeman
Sheikh Radwan / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

118
Amjad Kamel Abu Jazar
Male 26 Policeman
Khan Younis
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

119
Mansour Abdullah Sha’aban Al-Gharra
Male 42 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

120
Ra’ed Mohammed Mohammed Al-Najjar
Male 32 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

121
Nahiz Salim ‘Awwad Abu Namous
Male 20 Policeman
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

122
Basil Jihad Mohammed Dababish
Male 33 Policeman
Sheikh Radwan / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

123
‘Asim Ahmed Hassan al-Sha’er
Male 27 Policeman
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza

124
Sami Tayseer al-Sayed al-Halabi
Male 27 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Al-Mashtal Intelligence Outpost/ Gaza

125
Mohammed Jamil ‘Ateya Abu Hajjaj
Male 42 Policeman
Khan Younis
Presidential Compound / Gaza

126
Mohammed Khaled Asa’ad Shuheibar
Male 22 Policeman
Yarmouk Street / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

127
Mohammed Jamil ‘Ateya Abu Juha
Male 43 Policeman
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

128
Abdul Salam Isma’il Mohammed Al-Reba’i
Male 49 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza

129
Abdullah Munther Jawdat al-Rayyes
Male 20 Seller in computers shop
Al-Sabra / Gaza

130
Mohammed Mansour Abdul Karim Nayfa
Male 21 Policeman
Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

131
Na’im ‘Ashour Ahmed Al Ghifary
Male 36 Policeman
Al-Sahaba Street/ Al-Daraj / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

132
Mohammed Hafiz Mohammed al-Kharoubi
Male 22 Policeman
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

133
Mohammed Salah Hassan al-Sawaf
Male 28 Policeman
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Al-Kattiba area / Gaza

134
Mustafa Mohammed Mustafa al-Sabbagh
Male 20 Policeman
Al-Tufah / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

135
Sharaf Mohammed Abu Shammala
Male 22 Policeman
Khan Younis
Presidential Compound / Gaza

136
Ahmed Mohammed Jamil Ba’alousha
Male 21 Policeman
Yarmouk Street / Gaza
Al-Nafaq Street / Gaza

137
Yousif Fawzi Salman Abdul ‘Al
Male 19 Worker
Yarmouk Street / Gaza
Al-Mashtal Intelligence Outpost/ Gaza

138
Mohammed Subhi Isma’il Aal-Maqadma
Male 34 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

139
Baha’a Nahid Fawzi Sukeik
Male 28
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

140
Suheil Mohammed Naser Tanbura
Male 43 Policeman
Aslan Neighborhood/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

141
Abdul Samia’ Mohammed Abdullah Eal-Nashar
Male 35 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

142
Fayez Riyad Fayez al-Madhoun
Male 33 Policeman
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

143
Isma’il Ibrahim al- Ja’abari
Male 36 Policeman
Khan Younis
Presidential Compound / Gaza

144
Hisham Mohammed Ali Abu Sharar
Male 40 Policeman
Aa-Tufah / Gaza
Near al-Katiba Mosque / Gaza

145
Ahmed Abdul Kader Ibrahim al-Haddad
Male 27 Policeman
Aa-Tufah / Gaza
Ansar Security Service Compound / Gaza

146
Tamer Mohammed ‘Asafa
Male 28 Policeman
Deir Al-Balah – Albrook area / Middle of the Gaza Strip

147
Rabi’ Mahmoud al-Muzayan
Male 29 Policeman
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza

148
Mohammed Salem Mohammed Abu ‘Abda
Male 29 Policeman
Block 7 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza

149
Isma’il Mohammed Suleiman al-‘Awawda
Male 24 Policeman
Block 6/ al-Bureij / Middle Gaza

150
Samir ‘Ubeid ‘Ali al-‘Awawda
Male 30 Policeman
Block 6/ al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City / Middle Gaza

151
‘Uday Abdul Hakim Rajab Mansi
Male 6 Student
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza

152
kamilia Ra’afat al-Bardini
Female 13 Student
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
Wadi al-Salqa Village / Middle Gaza

153
Ibrahim Abdul Salam Mohammed Abu al-Rous
Male 24 Policeman
Block 6 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza

154
Wisam Ibrahim ‘Ayyash
Male 22 Policeman
Albrook / Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza

155
‘Awwad Nafez ‘Awwad al-Qatshan
Male 24 Policeman
Maqbula area/ al-Bureij / Middle Gaza

156
Mohammed Yahya Mhanna
Male 21 Policeman
Al-Brook / Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza

157
Suheib Mohammed ‘Asafa
Male 21 Policeman
Al-Brook / Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza

158
Hakim Rajab Mansi
Male 32 Farmer /
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza

159
Hassan Sa’adi Hamdan Abu ‘Arbas
Male 20 Policeman
Al-Brook / Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza

160
‘Umar Sa’id ‘Umar al-Lahham
Male 22 Policeman
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza

161
Ahmed Salah Ahmed al-Lahham
Male 23 Policeman
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza

162
Shadi Mohammed Fayez ‘Ateya
Male 34 Policeman
Al-Sahaba Street/ Al-Daraj / Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza

163
Yaser Mohammed Deeb al-Lahham
Male 32 Policeman
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza

164
Wasim Ibrahim Hassan ‘Azara
Male 23 Policeman
Block 7/ al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
Abu Meddein Police Station

165
Anas Sbeih Abdullah Abu Nar
Male 23 Policeman
Al-Zahra’a City / Middle Gaza

166
Hussam Abdullah Ibrahim al-Sane’
Male 27 Policeman
Nuseirat New Refugee Camp / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City/ Middle Gaza

167
‘Imad Abdul Hamid Mohammed Abu al-Haj
Male 38 Policeman
Al-Bahnasawi area/ Nuseirat Camp / Middle Gaza

168
Mohammed Mesbah Hussein Hamad
Male 23 Policeman
Nuseirat Refugee Camp 1 / Middle Gaza

169
Mohammed Isma’il Abed al-Ghamri
Male 23 Policeman
Block D/ al-Maghazi / Middle Gaza

170
Zaki Ibrahim Mohammed Dweik
Male 45 Policeman
Block 12 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza

171
Ramzi Rajab Khader Tanjara
Male 26 Policeman
Block 6 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza

172
Khaled Abdul Fattah Ali Abu Hasna
Male 42 Policeman
Block 3 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza

173
Ibrahim Abdul Rahman Jbeil Zu’rub
Male 28 Worker in ex-settlements
Palestine Mosque /Zu’rub neighborhood / Khan Younis
ex-settlements/west of Younis Khan

174
Samer Heidar Hussein al-Qreinawi
Male 21 Policeman
Block 7 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City / Middle Gaza

175
Ahmed Mohammed Salama al-Qreinawi
Male 37 Policeman
Block 7 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza

176
Tamer Heidar Hussein al-Qreinawi
Male 22 Policeman
Block 7 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza

177
Majdi Nader Juma’a Jabr
Male 21 Policeman
Block 7 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza

178
Ahmed Abdul Ghani, Khalil Kullab
Male 70 Jobless
Block 7 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza

179
‘Issam Nabil Mohammed al-Gherbawi
Male 24 Policeman
Block 6 /al-Bureij / Middle Gaza

180
Usama Hassan Mohammed Abu al-Rish
Male 44 Worker
Block D /al-Maghazi / Middle Gaza
Al-Tufah

181
Ala’a Nasri Mohammed al-Ra’i
Male 30 Policeman
Nuseirat Refugee Camp 1 / Middle Gaza

182
Mohammed Ibrahim Abdul Rahman Abu ‘Amer
Male 22 Policeman
Near Nuseirat Martyrs Clinic/ Nuseirat / Middle Gaza

183
Abdullah Salim Aal-Lahham
Male 19 Policeman
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
Militant
Militant

184
Abdul Rahman Nazmi Abdul Rahman Hamdan
Male 23 Policeman
Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
Abu Meddein Police Station / Middle Gaza

185
Mahmoud Hisham ‘Azmi Abu Dalal
Male 22 Policeman
Near Abu Dalal Supermarket/ Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City/ Middle Gaza

186
‘Azmi Hisham ‘Azmi Abu Dalal
Male 26 Medic / Military Medical Services
Near Abu Dalal Supermarket/ Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City/ Middle Gaza

187
Khaled Yousif Jabr Shahin
Male 40 Policeman
Nuseirat Refugee Camp 2 / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City/ Middle Gaza

188
Abed Mohammed Salem al-Shaf’i
Male 24 Worker
Near al-Salama Petrol Station, near Nuseirat / Middle Gaza

189
Haitham Fadel Muhareb Hamdan
Male 28 Policeman
Abu Slim area near Nuseirat Refugee Camp 2/ Middle Gaza

190
Shadi Abdul Majid Abdul Jalil al-Sabakhi
Male 29 Policeman
Near Nuseirat Martyrs Clinic/ Nuseirat / Middle Gaza

191
Usama Abdul Fattah Khamis Fadel
Male 44 Jobless
Block 12 /al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
Abu Meddein Police Station

192
Ibrahim Hassan Ibrahim al-Jamal
Male 26 Policeman
Near Abu Meddein Police Station in Nuseirat / Middle Gaza

193
Yousif Mohammed Mahmoud Diab
Male 35 Policeman
Nuseirat Refugee camp 2 / Middle Gaza

194
Abdul Hakim Ahmed Abdul Fattah Abu Sharaf
Male 28 Policeman
Nuseirat Refugee camp 2 / Middle Gaza

195
Ala’a Addin Ibrahim Abdul Rahim al-Qatarawi
Male 22 Policeman
Nuseirat Refugee Camp 2/ Middle Gaza

196
Abdul Karim Sa’id Abdul Karim Wahba
Male 25 Policeman
Nuseirat / Middle Gaza

197
Mohammed Abdul Fattah Ahmed al-Qatarawi
Male 36 Policeman
Al-Kala’aboush area, behind the al-Qassam Mosque/ Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City/ Middle Gaza

198
Tawfiq Ali Hassan al-fallit
Male 51 Employee
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza

199
Mustafa Yousif Mustafa al-Khatib
Male 26 Policeman
Nuseirat Refugee Camp 2 / Middle Gaza

200
‘Umar Ahmed Hassan Abu Sa’id
Male 24 Policeman
East of al-Bureij / Middle Gaza

201
Mohammed Khalil Jarid Zu’rub
Male 26 Employee
Khan Younis
ex-settlement of Gadid/ southwest of Khan Younis

202
‘Adnan Ahmed al-Bheisi
Male 27 Policeman Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City/ Middle Gaza

203
Ahmed Jamal Ahmed Aal-Nuri
Male 29 Policeman
Block 7/al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
Deir Al-Balah / Middle Gaza

204
Mohammed Hisham Salem Zahra
Male 21 Policeman
Block 7/al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza

205
Abdullah Mohammed Ibrahim al-Ghaffari
Male 59 Jobless
Block 12/al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza

206
Ahmed Reyad Mohammed al-Sinwar
Male 3
Behind the civil Defense service site/ al-Zahra City / Middle Gaza

207
Thiab Abed Issa Hamid
Male 50 Policeman
Bloc C/ Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
Abu Meddein Police Station / Middle Gaza

208
Nemer Ahmed Abdullah Amum
Male 101 Farmer
Block 4 / al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza

209
Abdul Karim Isma’il ‘Ali Abu Jarbou’a
Male 46 Policeman
Al-Zawaida area / Middle Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza

210
Rami Suleiman Ahmed Abu al-Sheikh
Male 26 Policeman
Behind schools compound area in al-Maghazi / Middle Gaza
Al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza

211
Na’im, Aal-Sayed Abed Rabbu Mbit
Male 30 Policeman
Block 4/ al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza

212
Mohammed ‘Awad Yousif ‘Awad
Male 27 Policeman
Block 3 / al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza

213
Mohammed Ahmed Abdul Rahman Tabasha
Male 27 Policeman al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza

214
Ghassan Mahmoud Isma’il Abu ‘Awwad
Male 32 Policeman
Block D in al-Maghazi / Middle Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza

215
Ashraf Hamada Mustafa Abu Qwiek
Male 21 Policeman
Block 4 / al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
Deir Al-Balah / Middle Gaza

216
Ma’moun Mohammed Ahmed Aal-Sayed Msallam
Male 22 Policeman
Block 4 / al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza

217
Mazen Mahmoud Abdul Aziz ‘Aleyan
Male 35 Policeman
Block 4 / al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra Police Station/ Middle Gaza

218
Hassan Atallah Mohammed Abdullah
Male 40 Worker
Tal al-Sultan / Rafah
Al-Mawasi area/ Rafah

219
‘Asem Mohammed Sa’id Abu Kmeil
Male 28 Policeman
AlMughraqa area/ Middle Gaza

220
Tala’at Mahmoud Salman Salman
Male 39 Worker
JabaliyaRefugee camp/ Northern Gaza
Civil Administration HQ/ Northern Gaza

221
Reziq Mahmoud Salman Salman
Male 24 Policeman
Block 5/ JabaliyaRefugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Force 17 Site/ Northern Gaza

222
Annan Saber Ayoub Ghalya
Male 25 Policeman
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Force 17 Site/ Northern Gaza

223
Ali Hassan Ahmed al-Mabhouh
Male 26 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Navy Site/ Northern Gaza

224
Yousif Tayseer Harb Sha’aban
Male 19 Student
Al-Juneina neighborhood / Rafah
Al-Talatini Street/ Gaza

225
Isma’il Jihad Isma’il Ghneim
Male 24 Policeman
JabaliyaRefugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
Force 17 Site/ Northern Gaza

226
Ni’ma Ali Ahmed al-Mghari
Female 18 Student in UNRWA Gaza Training School
Al-Bahar Street / Rafah
UNRWA Gaza Training College/ Gaza

227
‘Imran Isma’il Darwish al-Run
Male 24 Policeman
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Force 17 Site/ Northern Gaza

228
Baha’a Samir ‘Oda Abu Zuhri
Male 19 Student
‘Awad Building in al-Juneina neighborhood / Rafah
UNRWA Gaza Training College/ Gaza

229
Ahmed Samih Shehada al-Halabi
Male 19 Student in UNRWA Gaza Training School
Gaza Block M / Rafah
UNRWA Gaza Training College/ Gaza

230
Mohammed Mahmoud Hammad al-Najra
Male 46 Policeman
Al-Hashash area / Rafah
Nuseirat/ Middle Gaza

231
Salem Ahmed Salem Abu Shamla
Male 35 Jobless
Near the Police Station/ Al-Maghazi / Middle Gaza
Al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza

232
Hashim Faris Hashim ‘Uweida
Male 33 Engineer
Khan Younis
Ex-Settlement of Gadid/ southwest of Khan Younis

233
Wa’el Abdul Karim Shehda al-Raqab
Male 32 Policeman
Bani Suheila village/ Khan Younis
Western Khan Younis Police Station/ Khan Younis

234
Ahmed Maher Ahmed Abu Mussa
Male 22 Policeman
Al-Amal neighborhood / Khan Younis
Western Khan Younis Police Station/ Khan Younis

235
Mahmoud Majid al-‘Abed Abu Tyour
Male 18 Student in UNRWA Gaza Training School
Block N / Rafah
UNRWA Gaza Training College/ Gaza

236
Ayman Hamed Ahmed Abu Ammuna
Male 38 Jobless
JabaliyaRefugee Camp / Norther Gaza
Civil Administration/ Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant

237
Mohammed Na’im Shakshak
Male 23 Policeman
Khan Younis
Presidential Compound/ Gaza

238
‘Ammar ‘Oda Faraj Shamali
Male 23 Policeman
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Presidential Compound/ Gaza

239
Ibrahim Shafiq Shabat
Male 24 Employee in Paltel company
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
Al-Amal neighborhood/ Northern Gaza

240
Ibrahim Shafiq Ali Abdul Hadi
Male 23 worker
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza

241
Ayman Hussein Ahmed Ahmed
Male 41 Employee in Paltel company
JabaliyaRefugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Near Civil Adminstration HQ/ Northern Gaza

242
Mahmoud Ahmed al-Najjar
Male 48 Employee in Paltel.
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Near Civil Adminstration HQ/ Northern Gaza

243
Ahmed Naser Ahmed Tbeil
Male 24 Policeman
JabaliyaRefugee Camp/ North Gaza
Force 17 Site/ Northern Gaza

244
Ali Abdul Rahim Mohammed ‘Awad
Male 24 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Force 17 Site/ Northern Gaza

245
‘Umar Salman Salim Darawsha
Male 27 Employee
Qarara village – Khan Younis
Ex-settlement of Gadid/ southwest of Khan Younis

246
Hussein Ahmed Hussein Daoud
Male 26 Policeman
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

247
Sarah Eid Ali al-Hawwajri
Female 57
Izbat Abed Rabbu / Northern Gaza
Civil Adminstration HQ/ Northern Gaza

248
Mahmoud Jamil Fakhri al-Khaldi
Male 26 Policeman
Tal al-Za’atar area /Jabalyia / Northern Gaza
Force 17 Site/ Northern Gaza

249
Mysara Mohammed Mohammed ‘Udwan
Female 48 Housewife
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
Al-Amal neighborhood/ Northern Gaza

250
Mahmoud Fou’ad Ahmed Abu Matar
Male 38 Policeman
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Navy Site/ Northern Gaza

251
Mohammed Aal-Desouqi Kamel Hammad Asaleya
Male 27 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Navy Site/ Northern Gaza

252
Yousif Ibrahim Mohammed Thary
Male 33 Policeman
Haifa Street / Northern Gaza
Force 17 Site/ Northern Gaza

253
Khalil, Mahmoud Abed Aal-Kurd
Male 49 Employee in PalTel.
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Near Civil Adminstration HQ/ Northern Gaza

254
Hassan Salem Hammed al-Rahhal
Male 50
Al-Maghazi / Middle Gaza
al-Bureij / Middle Gaza

255
Zeyad Daoud ‘Oda Abu ‘Eyada
Male 33 Policeman
Shaboura Refugee Camp / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah

256
Heidar Mahmoud Mohammed Hassouna
Male 36 Policeman
Tal al-Sultan / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah

257
Ayman Fou’ad Eid al-Nahhal
Male 22 Policeman
Khirbat al-‘Adas village / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah

258
Hamdan Khamis Rabi’ Abu Nqeira
Male 32 Policeman
Shaboura Refugee Camp / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah

259
Anas Fawzi Nafez Hamad
Male 23 Policeman
Nuseirat / Middle Gaza

260
Ahmed Abdullah Salem Al-Khatib
Male 26 Nurse in the Military Medical Services
Tal al-Sultan / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah

261
Hamada Ahmed Msallam Abu Daqqa
Male 22 Policeman
Khan Younis
Internal Security HQ/ west of Khan Younis

262
Mohammed Fou’ad Abu Sabra
Male 19 Policeman
Al-Salam Street / Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza

263
Qareeb ‘Umar ‘Abid
Male 32 Lawyer
Shaboura Refugee Camp / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah

264
Shehada Abdul Rahman Hussein Kuffa
Male 50 Policeman
Block 2 / al-Maghazi / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City/ Middle Gaza

265
Hatem Adnan Abu Sha’ira
Male 27 Policeman
Al-Zawaida area / Middle Gaza
Nuseirat / Middle Gaza

266
Nizar ‘Ateya Hassan Abu Salem
Male 35 Policeman
Nuseirat New Refugee Camp/ Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City/ Middle Gaza

267
Abdullah Talal Ibrahim Aal-Sane’
Male 27 Policeman
Nuseirat New Camp / Middle Gaza
Presidential Compound/ Gaza

268
Arafat Faraj Allah Sleiman Faraj Allah
Male 37 Policeman
Nuseirat New Refugee Camp / Middle Gaza

269
Isma’il Ahmed Mohammed Salem (Hamdan)
Male 34 Policeman
Near the Ahli Club in Nuseirat / Middle Gaza

270
Yousif Ibrahim Mohammed Thabet
Male 18 Jobless
Gaza

271
Mohammed Yunis Abu Libda
Male 23 Policeman
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza

272
Khaled Radwan Ali Inshasi
Male 24 Member of the al-Qassam Brigades
Al-Namsawi neighborhood/ Khan Younis
A site of the al-Qassam Brigades in Khan Youni

273
Suleiman Subhi Mohammed al-Ghariz
Male 50 Policeman
Nuseirat / Middle Gaza

274
Hamdan Qasim Abdullah Safi
Male 45 Employee
Khan Younis
Ex-settlement of Netser Hazani/ Khan Younis

275
Khaled Sami Tarraf al-Astal
Male 14 Student
Al-Satar/ Khan Younis
Ex-settlement of Netser Hazani/ Khan Younis

276
Shaker Fayez Salim al-Zeini
Male 60 Plumber
Khan Younis
Internal Security HQ/ Khan Younis

277
Nabil Ahmed Mahmoud al-Beiram
Male 43 Employee
Khan Younis
Ex-settlement of Gadid/ southwest of Khan Younis

278
Ibrahim Mohammed Ali Mahfouz
Male 46 Employee
Khan Younis
Ex-settlement of Gadid/ southwest of Khan Younis

279
(Mohammed Nour) Mohammed Reziq al- Fayoumi
Male 24 Policeman
Khan Younis
Western Khan Younis Police Sattion/ Khan Younis

280
Ahmed Rasmi Mohammed Abu Jazar
Male 16 Student
Al-Juneiena neighborhood/ Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah

281
Mohammed Abdul Shafouq Mohammed al-Abadla
Male 40 Employee
Al-Mawasi / Khan Younis
Ex-settlement of Gadid/ southwest of Khan Younis

282
Mo’in Mahmoud Abdul Rahman Aal-Qen
Male 43 Worker
Tal al-Sultan / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah

283
Salman Fahmi Hassan al-Astal
Male 30 Policeman
Khan Younis

284
Ibrahim Mohammed Ibrahim Abu Teir
Male 54 Worker
Abasan al-Kabira / Khan Younis

285
Nazir Khalil Hussain Aal-louka
Male 52 Imam
Tal al-Sultan / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah

286
Haitham Yaser Ahmed al-Sha’er
Male 22 Policeman
Tal al-Sultan / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah

287
Yaser Ahmed Mohammed al-Sha’er
Male 46 Policeman
Tal al-Sultan / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah

288
Ihab Jaser Ahmed al-Sha’er
Male 32 Physician
Tal al-Sultan / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah

289
Ibrahim Abdul Rahman Jbeil Zu’rub
Male 28 Employee
Khan Younis
Ex-settlement of Gadid/ southwest of Khan Younis

290
Yousif Murshid Ahmed al-Najjar
Male 38 Employee
Khan Younis
Ex-settlement of Gadid/ southwest of Khan Younis

291
Mazen Ahmed Mohammed Matar
Male 15 Student
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza

292
Salem Zeyad Mohammed al-Hallaq (Malalha)
Male 24 Jobless
Al-Daraj / Gaza
Al-‘Abbas Police Station/ Gaza

293
Mohammed Hussein Abdul Ra’ouf al-Mabhouh
Male 28 Policeman
Al-Sekka Street/ Tal al-Za’atar / Northern Gaza
Presidential Compound/ Gaza

294
Ihab Abdullah Mohammed Hamdan
Male 22 Policeman
Al-Twam / Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

295
Ali Abdul Ra’ouf Hassans Rihan
Male 27 Student
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Al-Soudaneya area/ Northern Gaza

296
Mohammed Na’im Mohammed Muharram
Male 29 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

297
Mohammed Subhi Abdul Rahman Dahlan
Male 34 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Presidential Compound/ Gaza

298
Ahmed Abdul Latif Hussein Sa’ad Eddin
Male 24 Policeman
Sheikh Zayed Housing Area / Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Presidential Compound/ Gaza

299
Ismail Ahmed Hassan Abu Hani
Male 18 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Al-Mashtal Intelligence Outpost/ Gaza

300
Hamid Ahmed Mohammed al-‘A’araj
Male 29 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

301
Abdul Hai Shafiq al-Dahshan
Male 40 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Al-Zahra Ciy/ Middle Gaza

302
Mohammed Fahmi Abdul Fattah Fahmi Tafesh
Male 22 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

303
Taysir Abdullah Mohammed Weshah
Male 23 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

304
Yahia Mohammed Shehda Sheikha
Male 24 Policeman
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Al-‘Abbas Police Station/ Gaza

305
Basem ‘Umar ‘Awad Jundeya
Male 43 Policeman
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Civil Administration HQ/ Gaza

306
Tareq Salah Diab Rahmi
Male 31 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

307
Samer Ahmed Deeb Ahmed
Male 27 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Presidential Compound/ Gaza

308
Belal Ghazi al-Raqab
Male 23 Policeman
Khan Younis
Presidential Compound/ Gaza

309
Amin Fou’ad Mohammed al-Zerbatli
Male 28 Policeman
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

310
Izz Addin Rafiq ‘Eleyan ‘Atallah
Male 20 Policeman
Yarmouk Street / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

311
Islam Mohammed Abdul Rahim al-Sahhar
Male 24 Policeman
Al-Karama area/ Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

312
Anwar Rafiq ‘Eleyan ‘Atallah
Male 30 Policeman
Yarmouk Street / Gaza
Al-Nafaq Street/ Gaza

313
Hisham Salama Salem Kawari’
Male 36 Policeman
Al-Naser / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

314
Abdullah Isma’il Abdullah al-Zein
Male 49 Municipal officer
Opposite to Ministry of Interior /Al-Quds Street / Northern Gaza
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza

315
Khalil Ramadan Salim al-Muranakh
Male 38 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Force 17 Site/ al-Twam Area/ Northern Gaza

316
Yousif Mohammed al-Jallad
Male 34 Member of civil defense services
Khan Younis
Civil Defense HQ/ al-Zahra/ Middle of Gaza City.

317
Islam Mohammed Abdul Rahim al-Sahhar
Male 23 Policeman
‘Amer Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Presidential Compound/ Gaza

318
Haitham Samir Tabasi
Male 28 Policeman
Khan Younis
Presidential Compound/ Gaza

319
Ayman Sa’ad Allah Faraj al-‘Ejla
Male 19 Policeman
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

320
Tamer Hassan Ali al-Akhras
Male 5
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

321
Mohammed Khalil Hassan Al Mukayad
Male 27 Policeman
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

322
Hassan Maher Hassan ‘Orouq
Male 23 Policeman
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

323
Huda Hani Husni Zuhd
Female 22 Policewoman
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

324
Mohammed Farid Abdul Fattah Abdul Nabi
Male 22 Policeman
Bir al-Na’aja area / Northern Gaza
Al-Twam Area/ Northern Gaza

325
Mohammed Suheil Mohammed Hassan
Male 28 Policeman
Block 6/ Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

326
Iyad Sha’aban Ibrahim al-Maqousi
Male 27 Policeman
Al-‘Amoudi neighborhood/ Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza

327
Munther Mohammed Ahmed Maniya
Male 32
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Wa’ed Society for Prisoners/ Gaza
Gaza Militant
Militant

328
Hamdi Issa Diab Hajjaj
Male 25 Dressmaker
Al-Sahaba Street/ Al-Daraj / Gaza
Al-Nafaq Street/ al-Daraj/ Gaza

329
Ashraf Zuheir Mahmoud al-Sharbasi
Male 33 Policeman
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Presidential Compound/ Gaza

330
Wa’el Yahya Mohammed Abu Ni’ma
Male 32 Policeman
Jaffa Street / Gaza
Presidential Compound/ Gaza

331
Hisham Ibrahim Salman al-Msaddar
Male 26 Policeman
Al-Mssaddar Village/ Middle Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

332
Yaser Mohammed Hijazi al-Zarqa
Male 20 Policeman
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

333
Khaled Saleem Zu’rub
Male 43 Seller
Al-Batn al-Samin / Khan Younis
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza

334
Abdul Azim ‘Adel al-Jadba
Male 27 Jobless
Al-Sha’af / Gaza
Al-Zahra Police Sattion/ Middle Gaza

DECEMBER 28, 2008

335
Mohammed Ali Salim Abu Khubeiza
Male 21 Driver
Block C/ Nuseirat / Middle Gaza

336
Ibrahim Akram Ibrahim Abu Daqqa
Male 15
Abasan al-Kabira / Khan Younis

337
Ramiz Talal Ahmed Hamdan
Male 28 Policeman
Near the Ahli Club in Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
27-Dec-08

338
Ebtehal Abdullah Tawfiq Keshko
Female 8 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

339
Ahmed Jamil Mahmoud al-Talouli
Male 28
Al-‘Alami Housing Project/ Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
27-Dec-08
Near the Civil Administration HQ/ Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant

340
Ahmed Fou’ad Mahmoud al-‘Askari
Male 22 Policeman
Tal al-Za’atar / Northern Gaza
Near the Civil Defense HQ/ Northern Gaza

341
Mohammed Akram Ibrahim Abu Daqqa
Male 14 Student
Abasan al-Kabira / Khan Younis

342
Refa’t Salim ‘Ashur Sa’ada
Male 34 Policeman
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza

343
Mohammed Ahmed Helmi Jarada
Male 18 Policeman
Al-Daraj / Gaza
27-Dec-08
Al-‘Abbas Police Station/ Gaza

344
Ahmed Abdul Latif Hussein Sa’ad Eddin
Male 24 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Presidential Compound/ Gaza

345
Abdullah Isma’il Jneid
Male 45
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza

346
Maysa’a Mounir Yahia Keshko
Female 22
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

347
Mustafa Kamal Ibrahim al-Hattab
Male 20 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

348
Younis Jamil Farhood Abu Khubeiza
Male 20 Student
Block 2 in Nuseirat / Middle Gaza

349
Mohammed Nafez Sha’aban Mheisen
Male 34 Policeman
Sheja’eya/ Gaza 28-Dec-08 27-Dec-08
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

350
Farid Mohammed al-Waleedi
Male 32 Jobless
Khan Younis

351
Tamer Saleh Abdullah al-Gherbawi
Male 20 Student
Block 5 / Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

352
‘Usama Mahmoud Salim Dardas
Male 35 Jobless
Khan Younis
Al-‘Abbas Police Station/ Gaza

353
Nabil Mahmoud Mohammed Abu Ti’eima
Male 16 Student
Khan Younis
East of Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis

354
Ahmed Asa’ad Abdul Karim Fayyad
Male 22
Khan Younis
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis
Militant
Militant

355
Fayez Husni ‘Atta Ja’arour
Male 26 Policeman
Al-Jawhara Tower/ Gaza
Saraya Security Service Compound/ Gaza

356
Khalil Tayseer Khalil ‘Uweida
Male 34 Worker
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Near the al-Shifa Hospital/ Gaza

357
Tahreer Anwar Khalil Ba’alousha
Female 17 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

358
Samar Anwar Khalil Ba’alousha
Female 6 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

359
Dina Anwar Khalil Ba’alousha
Female 7 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

360
Akram Anwar Khalil Ba’alousha
Female 14
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

361
Jawaher Anwar Khalil Ba’alousha
Female 8 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

362
Khaled Khaled Ahmed al-Huwari
Male 18 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

DECEMBER 29, 2008

363
Zeyad al-‘Abed Ahmed Abu Teir
Male 32 Nurse
Abasan al-Kabira / Khan Younis
Militant
Militant

364
Ma’ather Mohammed Zneid
Female 23 UNRWA teacher
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis

365
‘Atwa ‘Awad ‘Oda Abu Mdeif
Male 70
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis

366
Ashraf Sayed Khamis al-Abdul Rahman
Male 28 Jobless
Dabbagh neighborhood / Jabaliya / Northern Gaza /
Zemmu Roundabout/ Northern Gaza
Northern Militant
Militant

367
Ahmed Yousif Ibrahim Khella
Male 18 Student
Al-Saftawi area / Northern Gaza Strip
Zemmu Roundabout/ Northern Gaza

368
Mohammed Basil Mahmoud Madi
Male 17 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Zemmu Roundabout/ Northern Gaza

369
Mohammed Mohy Addin Ahmed al-Madhoun
Male 48 Worker
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

370
Mohammed Jalal Shehda Abu Teir
Male 21 Jobless
Abasan al-Kabira / Khan Younis
Militant
Militant

371
Yaser al-‘Abed Ahmed Abu Teir
Male 32 Municipal officer
Abasan al-Kabira / Khan Younis
Militant
Militant

372
Mu’ath Yaser al-‘Abed Abu Teir
Male 6 Student
Abasan al-Kabira / Khan Younis

373
Mohammed Abdul ‘Aziz Khalil al-Farra
Male 23 Policeman
Abasan al-Kabira / Khan Younis
Militant
Militant

374
Mohammed Zeyad Mahmoud al-‘Absi
Male 14 Student
Yebna Refugee camp / Rafah

375
Rami Sa’adi Deeb Ghabayen
Male 23 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Zemmu Roundabout/ Northern Gaza

376
‘Imad Ahmed Abdullah Sammour
Male 34 Owner of metal workshop
‘Amer Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Zemmu Roundabout/ Northern Gaza

377
Faten Abdul ‘Aziz Zneid
Female 31 Housewife
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis

378
Sidqi Zeyad Mahmoud al-‘Absi
Male 4
Yebna Refugee Camp / Rafah

379
Mahmoud Nabil Deeb Ghabayen
Male 13 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Zemmu Roundabout/ Northern Gaza

380
Suheil Nawwaf al-Ta’aban
Male 35 Worker
Al-Zawaida / Middle Gaza
29-Dec-08 27-Dec-08
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza

381
Shadi Yousif Ramadan Ghabin
Male 14 Student
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

382
Wisam Akram Rabi’ Eid
Male 12 Student
Opposite to Ministry of Interior/ Al-Quds Street / Northern Gaza
Zemmu Roundabout/ Northern Gaza

383
Deya’a ‘Aref Farhood Abu Khubeiza
Male 15 Student
Block C in Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
28-Dec-08

384
‘Imad Jamal Shehda Abu Khater
Male 15 Student
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Zemmu Roundabout/ Northern Gaza

385
Khalil Ibrahim Jaber Abu Nadi
Male 69 Jobless
Al-Saftawi area / Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

386
Ahmed Zeyad Mahmoud al-‘Absi
Male 12 Student
Yebna Refugee Camp / Rafah

DECEMBER 30, 2008

387
Ayman Yousif Khalil al-Majayda
Male 45 Cook
Khan Younis 30-Dec-08 27-Dec-08
A site of the al-Qassam Brigades in Khan Younis

388
Mohammed Yousif Abdullah Hassanein
Male 34 Worker
Al-Sourani mountain/ al-Sha’af / Gaza
Al-Zahra City/ Middle Gaza

389
Tawfiq Reyad ‘Uthman Qannan
Male 22
Al-Sahaba Street/ Al-Daraj / Gaza
Al-Rayes Mountain/ Gaza
Militant
Militant

390
Walid Mohammed Suleiman Jabr
Male 20 Worker
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
28-Dec-08
Border strip/ Rafah Gaza

391
Isma’il ‘Uleiwa al- ‘Abed al-Qirem
Male 43 Jobless
Al-Sha’af / Gaza

392
Lama Talal Shehda Hamdan
Female 4
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza

393
Yahya Mohammed Suleiman Abu Nemer
Male 45 Guard
Khan Younis Refugee Camp / Khan Younis

394
Mohammed ‘Ateya Hassan Kharoof
Male 55 Worker
Abu Salim area in Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
27-Dec-08

395
Mohammed Majed Ibrahim Ka’abar
Male 17 Student
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Zemmu Roundabout/ Northern Gaza

396
Haya Talal Shehda Hamdan
Female 12 Student
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
Al-Rayes Mountain/ Gaza Northern

397
Amin Salem Darwish Al ‘Udeini
Male 24 Jobless
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
Militant
Militant

398
Hussein Na’im Hussein ‘Abbas
Male 33 Policeman
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

DECEMBER 31, 2008

399
Mohammed Sa’id Mohammed Abu Hassira
Male 19 Medic / Military Medical Services
Al-Daraj / Gaza
Al-Rayes Mountain/ Gaza

400
Fatma Abu Jubah Faraj ‘Alloush
Female 63 Housewife
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza

401
Ihab ‘Umar Khalil al-Madhoun
Male 33 Physician / Military Medical Services
Al-Daraj / Gaza
Al-Rayes Mountain/ Gaza

402
Isma’il Talal Shehda Hamdan
Male 9 Student
Al-Rayes Mountain/ Gaza
30-Dec-08
Al-Rayes Mountain/ Gaza

403
Amin Saleh Ahmed Shabet
Male 71 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

404
Sha’aban ‘Adel Hamed Hanif
Male 16 Student in UNRWA Gaza Training School
Al-Juneina neighborhood / Rafah
27-Dec-08
UNRWA Gaza Training School/ Gaza

405
Tareq Yaser Mohammed ‘Afana
Male 16 Student
Jabalyia Refugee camp /Northern Gaza

406
Ali Zuheir Mahmoud al-Houbi
Male 21 Policeman
Al-Shaboura Refugee Camp / Rafah
Al-Najma Park

407
Iman Hassan Mahmoud Abu ‘Arida
Female 34 Housewife
Al-Shaboura Refugee Camp / Rafah
Al-Najma Park

408
Mohammed Isma’il ‘Abed Abu Daqqa
Male 20 Student
Bani Sheila / Khan Younis

409
Mahmoud Majed Mahmoud Abu Nahla
Male 16 Student
Rafah 31-Dec-08 27-Dec-08
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah

410
Nafez Kamal Abdul Jawad Abu Sabet
Male 24 Worker
Bani Sheila / Khan Younis

JANUARY 1, 2009

411
Mohammed Hussam Radwan ‘Eleyan
Male 17 Electrician
Al-Sawarha area / Middle Gaza

412
Nizar Abdul Kader Mohammed Rayan
Male 50 University Professor
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

413
‘Aisha Nizar Abdul Kader Rayan
Female 2
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

414
Zeinab Nizar Abdul Kader Rayan
Female 9 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

415
Ghassan Nizar Abdul Kader Rayan
Male 16 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

416
Jamil Ali Mohammed al-Dardasawi
Male 28 Worker
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Militant
Militant

417
Nawal Isma’il Rayan
Female 40 Housewife
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

418
‘Usama Ibn Zeid Nizar Abdul Kader Rayan
Male 3
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

419
Bashir Isma’il Sha’aban ‘Ubeid
Male 47 Worker
Sheja’eya / Gaza

420
‘Oyoun Jihad Yousif al- Nasla
Female 16 Student
Al-Nada Apartment Buildings/ Izbat Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza

421
Rim Nizar Abdul Kader Rayan
Female 5
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

422
Shehda Hamdan Hussein Abu Tilekh
Male 50 Jobless
Nuseirat Refugee camp 2/ Middle Gaza
31-Dec-08

423
Halima Nizar Abdul Kader Rayan
Female 5
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

424
Hussein Sa’id Abdullah al-Neder
Male 20 Student
Opposite to Abu Shbak Petrol Station/ Jaffa Street / North
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant

425
Al-mo’iz Lideen Allah Jihad al-Nasla
Male 3
Al-Nada Apartment Buildings/ Northern Gaza

426
Mahmoud Mustafa Darwish ‘Ashour
Male 22
Block 3/ al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
Militant
Militant

427
Maryam Nizar Abdul Kader Rayan
Female 10 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

428
Abdul Kader Nizar Abdul Kader Rayan
Male 12 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

429
Aya Nizar Abdul Kader Rayan
Female 12 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

430
Sherine Sa’id Rayan
Female 25
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

431
Iman Khalil Rayan
Female 45
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

432
Fatma Salah Isma’il Salah
Female 42 Housewife
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

433
Abdul Rahman Nizar Abdul Qader Rayyan
Male 6 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

434
Mohammed Maher Abu Sweireh
Male 16 Student
Al-Sawarha area / Middle Gaza
18-Jan-09

435
Asa’ad Nizar Abdul Kader Rayan
Male 2
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

436
Heyam Abdul Rahman Rayan
Female 46 Housewife
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

JANUARY 2, 2009

437
Ahmed Diab Nemer Ja’arour
Male 24 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

438
Reda Khalil Hassan Ali
Female 53 Jobless
Khan Younis
Netzarim Roundabout/ Gaza

439
Wa’el Yousif Matar Abu Jarad
Male 21 Worker
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

440
Krestin Wadi’ Estandi al-Turk
Female 15 Student
Al-Sahaba area / Gaza
Al-Daraj

441
Belal Suheil Deeb Ghabayen
Male 19 University student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
29-Dec-08
Zemmu Roundabout/ Northern Gaza

442
Na’el Hassan Matar Ramadan (Shoha)
Male 28
Beit Lahia Housing Project / Northern Gaza
East of Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant

443
Hamada Ibrahim Ali Msabeh
Male 15 Student
Sheja’eya / Gaza

444
Mohammed Iyad Abed Rabbu al-Astal
Male 12 Student
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis

445
Tahani Kamal Abu ‘Ayesh
Female 24
Wadi Gaza Village / Juhr al-Dik / Middle Gaza

446
Sami Ibrahim Ibrahim Lubbad
Male 29 Teacher
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Sheikh Zayed Housing City/ Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant

447
Halima Mohammed Mohammed Seyam
Female 77 Jobless
Izbat Abed Rabbu / Northern Gaza

448
Nafez Mohammed Issa al-Mtawaq
Male 49 Worker
Gaza old Street / Northern Gaza
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza

449
Abed Rabbu Iyad Abed Rabbu al-Astal
Male 8 Student
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis

450
Fadi Naser Mussa Shabat
Male 24 University student
Al-Amal neighborhood / Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
01-Jan-09

451
‘Oda Hammad ‘Oda Abu al-Fita
Male 34 Civil defense member
Al-Satar Village/ Khan Younis
27-Dec-08
Al-Satar al-Gharbi Village/ Khan Younis

452
Abdul Sattar Walid Abdul Rahim al-Astal
Male 10 Student
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis

453
Majed Khalil Mohammed al-Bardawil
Male 29 Driver
Nuseirat New Camp/ Middle Gaza

JANUARY 3, 2009

454
Ahmed Isma’il Mousa al-Silawi
Male 21 Worker
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

455
Rajeh Nahed Rajeh Zyada
Male 18 Jobless
Al-‘Alami Housing Project/ Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

456
Hani Mohammed Moussa al-Silawi
Male 7 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

457
Hamza ‘Awni Mohammed al-Shaghnoubi
Male 22
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
Militant

458
‘Umar Abdul Hafez Mousa al-Silawi
Male 35 Journalist in al-Aqsa Satallite channel
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

459
Ra’ed Abdul Rahman Mohammed al-Msamha
Male 21
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

460
Ahmed Asa’ad Tbeil
Male 16
Beit Lahia Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

461
Akram Faris Jaber al-Ghoul
Male 47 Employee
Al-Karama Apartment Buildings/ Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Al-Seyafa area/ Northern Gaza

462
Sa’id Salah Sa’id Battah
Male 23 Employee in Ministry of Interior
Beit Lahia Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

463
Sharif Abdul Mu’ti Suleiman al-Rmeilat
Male 16 Student
Al-Shuka Village / Rafah

464
Salem Mohammed Selmi Abu Qleiq
Male 25 Guard
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
American School / Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

465
Sujood Hamdi Juma’a al-Dardasawi
Female 14 Student
Sheja’eya / Gaza

466
Sabrin Mohammed ‘Azara Abu Samaha
Female 18 Student
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

467
Mohammed Mousa Isma’il al-Silawi
Male 12 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

468
Mahmoud ‘Adnan Mahmoud Abu Ma’arouf
Male 24 Policeman
Al-Sekka area/ al-Satar al-Gharbi Village/ Khan Younis

469
Shadi ‘Ayesh Hussein al-Shorbaji
Male 27
Al-Sekka area/ al-Satar al-Gharbi Village/ Khan Younis
Militant
Militant

470
‘Awatef Salman Salama Abu Khusa
Female 43 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

471
Belal Abdul Karim Ali al-Haj Ali
Male 21
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Al-‘Atatra /Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant

472
Mo’men Mousa Mohammed al-khuzundar
Male 22 Worker
Al-Daraj / Gaza
Al-Rayes Mountain/ Gaza
Militant
Militant

473
‘Ata Samir ‘Ata Bhar
Male 23 Employee
Al-Sha’af/Gaza
Militant
Militant

474
Salah Na’im Ahmed Shaldan
Male 22 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
Militant

475
Hisham Hamdan al-‘Abed al-Fayoumi
Male 35 Jobless
Al-Sha’af / Gaza

476
Yousif ‘Uthman Mustafa Abu Hassanein
Male 36 Worker
Opposite to Care Int. / Rafah
Yebna Refugee Camp/ Rafah

477
Mohammed Nahed Ali Abed Rabbu
Male 22 Student
Izbat Abed Rabbu / Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant

478
Muhannad Ibrahim ‘Ata al-Tannani
Male 21 University student
Beit Lahiya Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

479
Mamdouh ‘Umar Mousa al-Jammal
Male 36 Jobless
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Militant
Militant

480
Mahmoud Salah Ahmed al-Ghoul
Male 18 Student
Sheikh Radwan / Gaza
Al-Seyafa area/ Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

481
Eyad Ahmed Mohammed Abu Khousa
Male 36
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

482
Baha’a Bassam Hassan al-Ashkar
Male 19 University student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp /
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

483
Abdul Rahman Mohammed Qteifan al-Msamha
Male 47
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

484
Ibrahim Mousa Issa al-Silawi
Male 45 Employee
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

485
Hassan Nasim ‘Amer Hijo
Male 16
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

JANUARY 4, 2009

486
‘Ateya Helmi Mahmoud al-Samouni
Male 46 Farmer
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

487
Shatha al-‘Abed Abed Rabbu al-Habbash
Female 10 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

488
Suheir Zeyad Ramadan al-Nemer
Female 11 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

489
Mohammed Suleiman Khalil al-Jammasi
Male 23 Jobless
Al-Sha’af / Gaza
Militant
Militant

490
‘Awni Sa’adi Salman al-Deeb
Male 54 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

491
Ruba Mohammed Fadel Abu Ras
Female 14 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

492
Khalil Mohammed Ibrahim Meqdad
Male 21 Worker
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza

493
Ahmed Khalil Saleh Abu Daf
Male 38 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
East of al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

494
Ibrahim Zeyad Ramadan al-Nemar
Male 21 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

495
Mustafa Zuhdi Mustafa Erhayem
Male 22
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
Militant

496
Jihad Samir Fayez Erhayem
Male 9 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

497
Abdul Hamid Juma’a Juma’a
Male 80 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

498
Mohammed Fou’ad Mahmoud al-Helu
Male 26
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
Militant

499
Bassam Mohammed Farouq Suleiman Abu ‘Ajwah
Male 32 Worker
Sheja’eya / Gaza

500
Mohammed Khamis Suleiman ‘Awad
Male 24
Jabaliya/ Northern Gsxs
Militant
Militant

501
‘Umar Sa’ad Allah bdul Jawad al-Jaro
Male 63 Worker
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Jafa Street

502
Farah ‘Ammar Fou’ad al-Helu
Female 1
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

503
Abdul Sayed Yousif Khamis ‘Umar
Male 19 Worker
Abu Iskandar area near Halima al-Sa’adeya School/ Gaza
Al-‘Atatra/ Northern Gaza

504

505
Qusai Reyad Mohammed al-Batrikhy
Male 18 Student
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Al-Sha’af

506
Ahmed Yousif Ibrahim al-Batsh
Male 19 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon

507
Hamdi Mahmoud Mohammed al-Samouni
Male 85 Farmer
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

508
Asma’a Ibrahim Hussein ‘Afana
Female 12 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

509
Fou’ad Mahmoud Hassan al-Helu
Male 62 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

510
Isra’a Qusai Mohammed al-Habbash
Female 13 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

511
Yaser Kamal Shbeir
Male 25 Medic / Military Medical Services
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Tal al-Hawa

512
Abdul Aziz Mohammed Mustafa al-Najjar
Male 23
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Militant
Militant

513
Mahmoud Khaled ‘Eleyan al-Mashharawi
Male 13 Student
Al-Daraj / Gaza

514
Abdul Karim Zeyad Ramadan Aal-Nemer
Male 14
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

515
Mohammed Bassam Mohammed ‘Anan
Male 25
Rimal / Gaza
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
Militant

516
Jihan Sami Sa’adi al- Helu
Female 17 Student
Al-Mina’a area / Gaza

517
Mohammed Faraj Isma’il Hassouna
Male 16 Student
Yarmouk Street / Gaza
Jafa Street

518
Ahmmed Khader Diab Subeih
Male 17 Student
Yarmouk Street / Gaza
Al-Daraj

519
Anas Fadel Na’im
Male 23 Medic / Military Medical Services
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa

520
Ra’afat Sami Ibrahim (Muharram)
Male 20 Medic / Military Medical Services
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Tal al-Hawa

521
Maryam Mutaw’i Nasrallah Mtawe’in
Female 75
Sheikh Ejlin / Gaza

522
‘Umar Mahmoud al-Barade’i
Male 12 Student
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza

523
Mohammed Hekmat Abu Halima
Male 18 Student
Al-‘Atatra area / Northern Gaza

524
Mohammed Khader Yousif Hammouda
Male 19 Student
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

525
Abdullah Heidar Khalil Abu ‘Oda
Male 19 Fisherman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza

526
Ala’a Addin Yahya Mohammed Zaqout
Male 31 Employee
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

527
Mohammed Hassan al-Baba
Male 35 Jobless
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

528
Yousif ‘Abed Hassan Barbakh
Male 14 Student
Al-Shuka Village / Rafah

529
Belal Abed Rabbu Mohammed Shehab
Male 26 Employee
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza

530
Hassan ‘Isam Hassan al-Jammasi
Male 20
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
Militant

531
Mohammed Ahmed Mohammed al-Da’our
Male 32 Jobless
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

532
Mohammed Khamis Hussein al-Kilani
Male 36
Al-Daraj / Gaza
Gaza Police Station

533
Abdul Rahim Helmi al-‘Abed al-Ashqar
Male 53 Teacher
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

534
Belal Mohammed Ghaben
Male 27 Employee
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant

535
‘Ayed ‘Imad Jamal Khira
Male 14 Student
Al-Daraj / Gaza
Sheja’eya

536
Na’im Hussein Mustafa ‘Abbas
Male 59 Jobless
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

537
Yahya Salman Abu Halima
Male 17
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

538
Eyad Nabil Abdul Rahman Saleh
Male 16 Student
Al-‘Awda Apartment Buildings / Northern Gaza

539
Samir ‘Iyada Yousif al-Shrafi
Male 48 Trader
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza

540
Rayya Salama Salman Abu Hajjaj
Female 56
Wadi Gaza Village / Middle Gaza

541
Mohammed ‘Isam Mohammed Naser
Male 25 Employee
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
East of Jabaliya / Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant

542
Mo’in ‘Ata Mohammed Hussein
Male 39
Al-‘Atatra area/ Northern Gaza

543
Ibrahim Kamal Subhi
Male 9 Student
Al-Zahra Cityy/ Beit
Beit Lahia / Northern ‘Awaja Lahia/ Northern Gaza

544
Louay Yahya Salman Abu Halima
Male 18 Student
Al-Seyafa area/ Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

545
Majda Abdul Karim Abu Hajjaj
Female 35
Wadi Gaza Village / Middle Gaza

546
Salman Fayyad Abu Meddein
Male 72
Sheikh Ejlin / Gaza

547
Ghassan Ali Ali Abu al-‘Amarin
Male 23 Student
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

548
Jamila Abdul Aziz Salem al-Da’our
Female 61 Housewife
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

549
Jihad Kamal Hassan Ahmed
Female 18 Student
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Sheikh Ejlin

550
‘Ayed Abdul Hadi Abdul Khaleq Abu Nada
Male 40 Worker
Beit Lahia Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Al-Zahra Roundabout/ Middle Gaza

551
Mohammed Abdul Razzaq Ali al-Hila
Male 23 University student
Al-Amal neighborhood/ Khan Younis

552
‘Arafa Hani ‘Arafat Abdul Dayem
Male 35 Medic / Military Medical Services + (teacher)
Izbat Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
Western Roundabout of Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

553
Adham Na’im Mohammed Abdul Malik
Male 17 Student
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Al-Isra’a neighborhood/ Northern Gaza

554
Ahmed Mohammed Mahmoud al-Adham
Male 53 Farmer
Beit Lahia Main Street / Northern Gaza

555
Tha’er Shaker Sha’aban Qarmout
Male 17 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
29-Dec-08

556
Wadi’ Amin ‘Umar
Male 3
Al-Nuzha Street / Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

557
Mohammed Muti’a Mohammed al-Shrafi
Male 23 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant

558
Zeyad Mohammed Selmi Abu Sneima
Male 10 Student
Miraj area / Rafah
Al-Naser Village / Rafah

559
Mousa Yousif Hassan Barbakh
Male 16 Student
Al-Shuka Village / Rafah

560
Al-Sayed Hammouda Shehada Abu Sultan
Male 27 Jobless
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

561
Hammouda Shehada Khader Abu Sultan
Male 53 Jobless
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

562
Salman Hammad Mraziq Abu Khammash
Male 39 Farmer
Al-Naser Village / Rafah

563
‘Usama Mesleh Suleiman
Male 20 Jobless
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

564
Isma’il Mousa Isma’il al-Soussi
Male 50 Jobless
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

565
Adnan Mohammed Abdul Latif al-Shalfouh
Male 22
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant

566
Hamza Zuheir Reziq Tantish
Male 12 Student
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

567
Mahmoud Zaher Reziq Tantish
Male 18 Student
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

568
Mohammed Akram Mohammed Abu Harbid
Male 19 Student
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
04-Jan-09 03-Jan-09
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza

569
Ahmed Hussein Abed Rabbu al-Mabhouh
Male 29
Izbat Abed Rabbu / Northern Gaza

570
Mahmoud Sami Yahya ‘Asaleya
Male 3
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza

571
Mohammed Mu’in ‘Ateya Abu al-Jedian
Male 20 Jobless
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

572
Mahdi Abed Hassan Barbakh
Male 20 Worker
Al-Shuka Village / Rafah

573
Mohammed Bashir Mohammed Khader
Male 25 Worker
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

574
Tamer Daoud Mohammed Baker
Male 24 Policeman
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza 04-Jan-09 27-Dec-08
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

575
Abed Hassan Mohammed Barbakh
Male 44 Worker
Al-Shuka Village / Rafah

576
Ayman Mohammed Mohammed ‘Afana
Male 27 Policeman
Tal al-Sultan / Rafah
Al-Zaytoon

577
Nouh Hammouda Shehada Abu Sultan
Male 20 Student
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

578
Ahmed Sami Ahmed Abu Meddein
Male 54
Al-Zahra / Middle Gaza

Al-Zahra / Middle Gaza

579
Mohammed Ahmed Sa’id al-Hashim
Male 19
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant

580
‘Ateya Rushdi Khalil Aal-Khuli
Male 16 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
Militant

581
Baha’a Mou’ayad Kamal Abu Wadi
Male 8 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

582
Ahmed Mohammed Ahmed al-Bal’awi
Male 63 Jobless
Opposite to the Specialist Children Hospital/ al-Naser/ Gaza
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza

583
Mohammed Abed Hassan Barbakh
Male 19 Jobless
Al-Shuka Village / Rafah

584
Isma’il Abdullah Suleiman Abu Sneima
Male 15 Student
Al-Shuka Village / Rafah

585
Shawqi Abdul Jawad al-‘Attar
Male 46
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

586
Mohammed Ibrahim Abu Sha’ar
Male 21 Policeman/ member of the al-Qassam Brigades
Kherbat al-‘Adas/ Rafah
Militant
Militant

JANUARY 5, 2009

587
Ahmed Mohammed Msallam Salama Abu Hatab
Male 24 Assistant Pharmacist
Khan Younis Refugee camp/ Khan Younis
30-Dec-08
Vicinity of al-Qarara Police Station/ Khan Younis

588
Muti’ Abdul Rahman Ibrahim al-Samouni
Female 63 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

589
Walid Rashad Helmi al-Samouni
Male 17 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

590
Nidal Ahmed Mahmoud al-Samouni
Male 32 Farmer
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

591
Abdul Naser Jamal Asa’ad Shuheibar
Male 45 Worker
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Eastern Road

592
Ashraf Abdul Hakim Salem al-Issi
Male 25 Quran Memorizer
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Militant
Militant

593
Rawhi Jamal Ramadan al-Sultan
Male 28 Worker
Al-Salatin area/ Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza

594
Nahil Khaled Abu ‘Eisha
Female 32 Housewife
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza

595
Usama Jihad Ali Abu Jbara
Male 22 Jobless
Block 4 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza

596
Rabab Izzat Ali al-Samouni
Female 32 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

597
Ghaida’a ‘Amer Abu ‘Eisha
Female 8 Student
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza

598
Nassar Ibrahim Helmi al-Samouni
Male 5
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

599
Hussein Mahmoud Abdul Malek al-Sultan
Male 23 Worker
Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza

600
Rahma Mohammed Mahmoud al-Samouni
Female 50 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

601
Samir ‘Umar Saleh Sa’adeya
Male 50 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Rimal

602
‘Azza Salah Talal al- Samouni
Female 5 mnths
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

603
Ibrahim Rawhi Mohammed ‘Aqel
Male 16 Student
Block 4 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
Al-Bureij Refugee camp / Middle Gaza

604
Ahmed Fathi Mustafa al-Nazli
Male 20 Student
‘Asqoula area/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon

605
Isma’il Ibrahim Helmi al-Samouni
Male 14 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

606
Naji Nedal Abdul Salam al-Hamalawi
Male 15 Student
Block 12 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
Al-Bureij Refugee camp / Middle Gaza

607
Jihad Ali Ahmed Abu Jbara
Male 53 Teacher
Block 4 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
Al-Bureij Refugee camp / Middle Gaza

608
Mohammed Abdul Hamid ASa’ad Abu Kmeil
Male 21
Al-Mughraqa area/ Middle Gaza
Militant

609
Abed Samir Ali al-Sultan
Male 19.5 Student
Al-Salatin area/ Northern Gaza
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza

610
Basel Jihad Ali Abu Jbara
Male 30 Employee
Block 4 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
Al-Bureij Refugee Camp / Middle Gaza

611
Mohammed Shehada Ali Ahmed “’Abed”
Male 19
Al-Sha’af / Gaza

612
Mohammed Samir Hijji
Male 16 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

613
Hamdi Maher Hamdi al-Samouni
Male 22 Farmer
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

614
Huda Na’el Fares al-Samouni
Female 7 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

615
Mo’men Mahmoud Talal ‘Ilaw
Male 12 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

616
Issa Ahmed al-‘At’out
Male 21 Student
Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza

617
Lubna Fou’ad Tawfiq Aal-Maleh
Female 27 Housewife
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

618
Zakaria Abdul Naser Ibrahim al-kayali
Male 20 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Jafa Street

619
Mahrous Amin Mohammed Shuheibar
Male 37 Driver
Gaza

620
Fayez Yousif Rezeq Hassan
Male 45 Driver
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza

621
Mohammed Helmi Talal al-Samouni
Male 6 mnths
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

622
Khadra al-‘Abed Khalil al-Maleh
Female 80 Housewife
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

623
Hanadi Basem Kamel Khalifa
Female 13 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

624
‘ Amer Rezeq Saber Abu ‘Eisha
Male 40 Worker
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza

625
Ramadan Ali Mohammed Filfil
Male 15 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

626
Salah Hassan Salama Rafi’a
Male 37
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

627
Tawfiq Rashad Helmi al-Samouni
Male 21 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

628
Asa’ad Sa’adi Ahmed Hammouda
Male 75 Retired
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
03-Jan-09

629
Mohammed ‘Amer Abu ‘Eisha
Male 10 Student
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza

630
Mohammed Amin Mustfa Hijji
Male 36
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

631
Shahd Mohammed Amin Hijji
Female 3
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

632
Ayat Yousif Mohammed al-Dufda’a
Female 13 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

633
Nadia Misbah Salem Sa’ad
Female 14 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

634
Leila Nabih Mahmoud al-Samouni
Female 45 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

635
Fatheia Ayman Salim al-Dabbari
Female 4 mnths
Al-Shuka village/ Rafah

636
Mohammed Rashad Khalil al-Khouli
Male 18
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

637
Lutfi ‘Awni Abdul Fattah Jaddou’a
Male 19 Student
Near the Community College of Applied Science and Technology/ Gaza
Al-Sabra

638
Hashim ‘Awni Abdul Fattah Jaddou’a
Male 18 Black Smith
Al-Sabra / Gaza

639
Mohammed Mohammed Nabih al-Ghazali
Male 27 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Militant

640
Rezqa Mohammed Mahmoud al-Samouni
Female 59 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

641
Rashad Helmi Mahmoud al-Samouni
Male 36 Farmer
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Militant

642
Mohammed Ibrahim Helmi al-Samouni
Male 24 Employee
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

643
Maha Mohammed Ibrahim al-Samouni
Female 22 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

644
Ahmed Sedqi Hamdan Kuheil
Male 25 Worker
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

645
Isma’il Heidar ‘Eleiwa
Male 7 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

646
Ghazi ‘Awni Abdul Fattah Jaddoua’
Male 24 Blacksmith
Al-Sabra / Gaza

647
Rezqa Wa’el Faris al-Samouni
Female 13 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

648
Faris Wa’el Faris al-Samouni
Male 14 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

649
Hanan Khamis Sa’adi al-Samouni
Female 20 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

650
Ishaq Ibrahim Helmi al-Samouni
Male 13 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

651
Amal Zaki ‘Eleiwa
Female 40 Housewife
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

652
Lana Heidar ‘Eliwa
Female 10 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

653
Mo’’men Heidar ‘Eleiwa
Male 12 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

654
Aya Usama Nayef al-Sersawy
Female 6 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

655
Leila Salman Suleiman Hamada
Female 61 Housewife
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

656
Ala’a Ibrahim Matar (al-Harazin)
Male 19 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

657
Safa’a Subhi Mahmoud al-Samouni
Female 23 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

658
Ahmed Mahmoud Hussein al-Shafe’i
Male 21 Student
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Militant

659
Kamla Ali Mustafa al-‘Attar
Female 82 Housewife
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
‘Alatatra area / Northern Gaza

660
Ghanima Mas’oud Mohammed Abu Halima
Female 63 Housewife
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

661
Samir Rashid Mohammed Mohammed
Male 44 UNRWA employee
Izbat Abed Rabbu / Northern Gaza

662
Seif al-Islam Ahmed Mohammed ‘Odwan
Male 20 Employee
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
Militant

663
Akram Mohammed Isma’il Jarad
Male 21 Employee
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
Militant

664
Basem Mustafa Abdullah al-Habil
Male 26 Volunteer in the Civil Defense Service
‘Amer Housning Project/ Northern Gaza

665
Al-Syed Jawad Mohammed al-Siksik
Male 16 Student
Al-Twam area/ Northern Gaza
04-Jan-09

666
Ali Salama Deeb al-Khatib
Male 42 Worker
‘Asaleya Housing Project/ al-Seqqa Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

667
Hussein Khalil Ibrahim Abu Jarad
Male 21 Employee
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Militant

668
Mohmmed Salam ‘Awwad al-Tarfawi
Male 4
Opposite to al-Je’el Petrol Station/ al-Karama Street/ al-Qerem Area / Northern Gaza

669
Mohammed Naser ‘Ateya Hamdona
Male 19 Student
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza

670
Nada Radwan Na’im Mardi
Female 6 Student
Al-Seyafa area/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

671
Ahmed Jihad Mohammed Abu Skheila
Male 20 University student
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Militant

672
We’am Jamal Mahmoud al-Kafarneh
Female 2
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
04-Jan-09

673
Amjad Isma’il Mohammed Radwan
Male 36 Worker
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
Militant

674
Younis Mohammed Abdul Wahab al-Ghandour
Male 24 Policeman
Sheikh Zayed Housing City/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

675
Maher Younis Ramadan Abdul Dayem
Male 32 Worker
Izbat Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza

676
Nafez Jamal Sa’id Abdul Dayem
Male 22 Worker
Izbat Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza

677
‘Arafat Mohammed ‘Arafat Abdul Dayem
Male 12 Student
Izbat Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza

678
Rami Yousif Mohammed al-Ghandour
Male 29
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

679
Suheil Ahmed Rashad al-‘Asali
Male 24 Worker
Opposite to al-Kuzundar Petrol Station/ ‘Amer Housning Project/ al-Twam area/ Northern Gaza

680
Ahmed Samih Ahmed al-Kafarna
Male 18 Student
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
03-Jan-09

681
Ahmed Hassan Abdul Karim Abu Zour
Male 20 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

682
Ahmed Fathi Mohammed Matar
Male 19 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

683
Mohammed Samir Abdul Latif Salim
Male 28 Policeman
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

684
Bassam Mahmoud Mohammed Hammouda
Male 35 Jobless
Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza

685
Talal Helmi Mahmoud al-Samouni
Male 50 Worker
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

686
Ibtisam Ahmed Mohammed al-Qanu’a
Female 40 Housewife
Opposite to Mu’aweya Ibn Abi Sufian School/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
04-Jan-09

687
Eyad ‘Izzat Ali al-Samouni
Male 20 Farmer
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

688
Mahmoud Mo’in Ishaq al-Rifi
Male 18 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Militant

689
Mousa Mohammed Suleiman al-Jatali
Male 36 Worker
The Bedouin Village/ north of Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

690
Mahmoud Mohammed Khamis Abu Qamar
Male 15 Student
Block 4 / Jabalia Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

691
Sayed ‘Amer Abu ‘Eisha
Male 12 Student
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza

692
Ahmed Helmi ‘Ateya al-Samouni
Male 4
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

693
Al-Mu’tasim Bellah Mohammed Ibrahim al-Samouni
Male 1 mnth
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

694
Mansour Mahmoud Madi
Male 21
Rafah
Al-Sha’af/ Gaza
Militant

695
Khalil Mohammed Khalil Helles
Male 16 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
03-Jan-09

696
Mu’tasim Heider ‘Eleiwa
Male 13 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

JANUARY 6, 2009

697
Mohammed Eyad Fayez al-Daia
Male 7 mnths
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

698
Fayez Misbah Hashim al-Daia
Male 60 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

699
Ala’a Eyad Fayez al-Daia
Female 7 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

700
Ali Eyad Fayez al-Daia
Male 10 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

701
Sabrin Fayez Mesbah al-Daia
Female 24 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

702
Bara’a Ramez Fayez al-Daia
Female 1.5
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

703
Rawya Rajab ‘Awad
Female 32 Pharmacist / Military Medical Services
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
28-Dec-08
Sheja’eya

704
Hussein Khalil Hassan ‘Arafat
Male 63 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

705
Fadwa Khalil Mohammed Kuheil
Female 50 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

706
Hussam Fathi Abu al-Sabah
Male 21
Deir al-Balah Refugee Camp
Militant

707
Mohammed Ahmed Diab Shweideh
Male 20
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Militant
Militant

708
Islam Isma’il Suleiman Abdul Jawwad
Female 26 Housewife
Al-Maghazi/ Middle Gaza

709
Mesbah Ayoub Ibrahim Ayoub
Male 66 Jobless
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza

710
‘Ahed Eyad Mohammed Qadas
Male 14 Student
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

711
Rehab Abdul Mon’im Ramadan ‘Awad
Female 47
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

712
Ahmed Mousa Ahmed ‘Arafat
Male 29 University student
Abasan Village/ Khan Younis
Abasan al-Jadida/ Khan Younis

713
Khadra Abdul ‘Aziz Abdul ‘Aziz ‘Awad
Female 40 Housewife
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

714
Tha’er Jihad Ahmed al-Najjar
Male 21 Jobless
Khza’a/ Khan Younis

715
Ibrahim Suleiman Mohammed Baraka
Male 12 Student
Bani Sheila/ Khan Younis

716
Mohammed Bassam Mohammed Eid
Male 18
Al-Bassa area/ Deir al-Balah/ Middle Gaza
Militant

717
Raghda Fayez Mesbah al-Daia
Female 34 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

718
Mohammed Kamal Mohammed Mekdad
Male 26 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Al-Tufah

719
Islam ‘Oda Khalil Abu ‘Amsha
Female 12 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Al-Tufah

720
Mohammed Mo’in Shafiq Deeb
Male 16 Student
Opposite to al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

721
Amal Matar Saleh Deeb
Female 38 Housewife
Opposite to al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

722
Radwan Fayez Mesbah Al- Daia
Male 22 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

723
Abdul Wahab Ahmed Hussein Hassanein
Male 63 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

724
Ahmed Jaber Jabr Hweij
Male 6 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza 06-Jan-09 27-Dec-08 Al-Tufah

725
Safa’a Saleh Mohammed al-Daia
Female 20 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

726
Yousif Mohammed Fayez al-Daia
Male 2
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

727
Eyad Hassan Mohammed ‘Ubeid
Male 21 Employee
Al-Nuzha Street/ Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza
Militant

728
Amani Mohammed Fayez al-Daia
Female 6 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

729
Kawkab Sa’id Hussein al-Daia
Female 57 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

730
Mahmoud Sedkqi Hamdan Kuheil
Male 20 Worker
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

731
Qamar Mohammed Fayez al-Daia
Female 5
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

732
Arij Mohammed Fayez al-Daia
Female 3
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

733
Sharaf Addin Eyad Fayez al-Daia
Male 5
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

734
Ramez Fayez Mesbah al-Daia
Male 27 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

735
Mohammed Marwan Mahmoud ‘Abed
Male 25 Carpenter
Jafa Street/ Gaza

736
Raba’a Eyad Fayez al-Daia
Female 6 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

737
Mohammed Abdullah Mohammed ‘Ubeid
Male 31 Employee
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

738
Heijar Isma’il Yousif Ansyo
Female 60 Housewife
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

739
Sa’id Jamal Sa’id Abdul Dayem
Male 28 University student
Izbat Beit Hanoun/ Northern Gaza
05-Jan-09

740
Ranin Abdullah Ahmed Saleh
Female 12 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

741
Mahtheya Shehada Hassan Saleh
Female 51 Housewife
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

742
Fatma Samir Shafiq Deeb
Female 23 Housewife
Opposite to al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

743
Ra’afat Fou’ad Sa’id Abu Askar
Male 30 Employee
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

744
Ibrahim Ahmed Hassan Ma’arouf
Male 15 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

745
Abdul Rahim Yousif Mousa al-Debis
Male 24
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

746
Abdullah Ahmed Qaddura Saleh
Male 55 Jobless
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

747
Mohammed ‘Ayesh Mansour Abu Naser
Male 25 Worker
Al-‘Atatara area/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

748
Khader Ahmed Ibrahim Zidan
Male 40 Jobless
Jabalia Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

749
Mohammed Samir Shafiq Deeb
Male 24 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

750
Adam Ma’amoun Saqer Ramadan al-Kurdi
Male 3
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

751
Amin Eid Mohammed Khdeir
Male 24 Worker
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
Al-Fakhoura School/ Northern Gaza

752
Ishteiwi Moussa’d Msharraf al-Sheikh Manna’a
Male 61 Jobless
The Bedouin Village/ Northern Gaza

753
‘Afaf Mohammed al-‘Abed Dmeida
Female 28 Housewife
Martyr Saleh Dardona/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

754
‘Imad Mohammed Abdul
Rahman Sha’alaq Male 52 Policeman
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

755
Isma’il Mohammed Mahmoud Abu Naser
Male 55 Dressmaker
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

756
Hamdi Yousif Ibrahim Hammad
Male 34 Jobless
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

757
Abdul Rahman Saleh Abdul Hamid Yasin
Male 22 Jobless
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

758
Ayman Ahmed ‘Amer al-Kurd
Male 28 Employee
Al-Falouja area/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

759
Basel Abdul Hamid Mahmoud Abu Ghabin
Male 40 Jobless
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

760
Huthayfa Jihad Khaled al-Kahlut
Male 18 Student
Tal al-Za’atar/ Northern Gaza

761
Tareq Mahmoud Yousif (Hussein)
Male 22 Employee
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

762
Samia Fathi Abdul Fattah Saleh
Female 19 Housewife
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

763
‘Isam Samir Shafiq Deeb
Male 13 Student
Opposite to al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

764
Marwan Hassan Abdul Mo’min Qdeih
Male 5
Abasan Village/ Khan Younis

765
Anwar Hassan Mohammed Lubbad
Male 53 Employee
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

766
Ala’a Mo’in Shafiq Deeb
Female 20 Student
Opposite to al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

767
Shamma Salim Hussein Deeb
Female 65 Housewife
Opposite to al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

768
Bashar Samir Mousa Naji
Male 14 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

769
Isma’il ‘Adnan Hassan Hweila
Male 16 Student
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

770
Mohammed Ramadan Hamad al-Debis
Male 29 Jobless
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

771
‘Ateya Hassan Mustafa al-Madhoun
Male 59 Jobless
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

772
Zaher Mohammed Mahmoud ‘Abed
Male 20 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Jaffa Street

773
Zeyad ‘Ateya Hassan al-Madhoun
Male 34 Employee
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

774
Shahd Hussein Nazmi Sultan
Female 8 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

775
Mofid Fathi Abdullah Abu Sa’ada
Male 38 Dressmaker
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

776
Ahmed Shaher Fayeq
Khdeir
Male 10 Student
Al-Seyafa area/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
03-Jan-09

777
Samir Shafiq Abud Hamid Deeb
Male 42 Worker
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

778
Eyad Fayezz Mesbah al-Daia
Male 36 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

779
Nour Mo’in Shafiq Deeb
Male 3
Opposite to al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

780
Mustafa Mo’in Shafiq Deeb
Male 13 Student
Opposite to al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

781
Asil Mo’in Shafiq Deeb
Female 10 Student
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

782
Khaled Mohammed Fou’ad Abu ‘Askar
Male 20 Employee
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

783
Belal Hamza Ali ‘Ubeid
Male 17 Student
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

784
Mohammed Basem Ahmed Shaqqoura
Male 9 Student
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

785
Yousif Sa’ad Ramadan al-Kahlut
Male 18 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

786
Lina Abdul Mon’im Nafez Hassan
Female 10 Student
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

787
Eyad Jaber Ibrahim Amen
Male 20 Jobless
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

788
‘Imad Mohammed Fou’ad Abu ‘Askar
Male 14 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

789
Amjad Majdi Ahmed al-Bayed
Male 16 Student
Rimal/ Gaza

790
Mohammed Rezeq al-Banna
Male 25 Member of National Security Service
Deir al-Balah Refugee Camp/ Middle Gaza
Militant

791
Khetam Eyad Fayez al-Daia
Female 9 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

792
Heba Ali Jamil Abu ‘Amsha ( Ma’arouf)
Female 28 Housewife
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Al-Tufah

793
Zeyad Sa’id Hassan Nassar
Male 25 Jobless
Deir al-Balah/ Middle Gaza
Militant

794
Khalil Madi Mohmmed al-Hasanat
Male 21 Jobless
Deir al-Balah Refugee Camp/ Middle Gaza
02-Jan-09
Militant

795
Ala’a Isma’il Jaber Isma’il
Male 19 Student
Al-Bassa area/ Deir al-Balah
02-Jan-09
Militant

796
Ala’a Addin Tawfiq Ghattas al-Fayoumi
Male 35 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

797
Fida’a Farid Salama Abu Sha’ar
Female 20
Wadi al-Salqa/ Middle Gaza

798
Rawda Helal Hussein al-Daia
Female 32 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

799
Mohammed Hashem Isma’il ‘Afana
Male 22 Jobless
Deir al-Balah/ Middle Gaza
Vicinity of Middle Gaza Police Station
Militant

800
Mohammed Mohammed Abou She’ira
Male 24
Deir al-Balah Refugee Camp/ Middle Gaza
Militant

801
Rafiq Abdul Baset Saleh al-Khudary
Male 16 Student
Rimal/ Gaza

802
Tazal Isma’il Mohammed al-Daia
Female 28 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

803
Salsabil Ramez Fayez al-Daia
Female 5 mnths
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

804
Ahmed ‘Abed Hamad al-Hasanat
Male 32 Policeman
Deir al-Balah Refugee Camp/ Middle Gaza
02-Jan-09

805
Hassan Ahmed Masmah
Male 21 Policeman
Deir al-Balah Refugee Camp/ Middle Gaza
02-Jan-09

806
Mohammed ‘Ata Hassan ‘Azzam
Male 13 Student
Al-Mughraqa/ Middle Gaza

807
Abdul Jalil Hassan Abdul Jalil al-Halis
Male 8 Student
Al-Shati Refugee Camp/ Gaza

808
Nesrin Suleiman Abu Sweireh
Female 24 Housewife
Al-Sawarha area/ Middle Gaza
04-Jan-09

809
Sahar Hatem Hesham Daoud
Female 17 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

810
Hassan ‘Ata Hassan ‘Azzam
Male 20 mnths
Al-Mughraqa/ Middle Gaza

811
‘Ata Hassan ‘Azzam
Male 44
Al-Mughraqa/ Middle Gaza

812
Zakaria Yahya Ibrahim al-Tawil
Male 5
Behind the al-Qassam Mosque/ Nuseirat/ Middle Gaza
Block 2

813
Mahmoud Abdullah ‘Eteiwa Abou Sha’ar
Male 26
Wadi al-Salqa/ Deir al-Balah/ Middle Gaza

JANUARY 7, 2009

814
Abdul Rahman Jamil Badawi (Qasem)
Male 25
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza

815
Hammam Mohammed Khamis Issa
Male 26
Block 3/ al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
Militant

816
Hassan Salem Naji al-Hawwari
Male 80
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

817
Tawfiq Khaled Isma’il al-Kahlut
Male 12 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza

818
Mo’in Akram Ahmed Selmi
Male 34
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Militant

819
Hassan Khalil Ahmed al-Kahlut
Male 20
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza

820
‘Ula Maso’ud Khalil ‘Arafat
Male 27 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
04-Jan-09

821
Rabi’a Mesbah Mahmoud al-‘Arini
Male 49 Worker
Tal al-Za’atar/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

822
Basel Sami Rezeq Sbeih
Male 28 Farmer
Al-Seyafa area/ Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
Militant

823
Rezeq Sami Rezeq Sbeih
Male 42 Farmer
Al-Seyafa area/ Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza

824
Mahmoud Asa’ad Mohammed Fattouh
Male 24 Worker
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Al-Sha’af/ Gaza
Militant

825
Abdullah Jihad Hussein Juda
Male 15 Student
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza

826
Mahmoud Zaki Issa Hmeid
Male 18 Student
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza

827
Jebril ‘Ateya Ibrahim Mansour
Male 19 Student
Al-Zawya Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

828
Wafa’a Nabil ‘Ali Abu Jarad
Female 21 Housewife
Beit Hanoun/ Northern Gaza
05-Jan-09

829
Nasim Salama Ispero Saba
Male 25 Electrician
Sheikh Radwan / Gaza

830
Ahmed Fawzi Hassan Lubbad
Male 17
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Militant

831
Nader Bassam Ibrahim Qaddoura
Male 17 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/
Northern Gaza

832
Mohammed Maher Nemer Badawi (Qasem)
Male 18 Worker
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

833
Ihab ‘Isam Rajab al-Harazin
Male 22 Policeman
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
27-Dec-08
‘Arafat Police City/ Gaza

834
Basel Nabil Ibrahim Faraj
Male 21 Journalist
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
27-Dec-08
Tal al-Hawa

835
Radwan Mohammed Radwan ‘Ashour
Male 12 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

836
Mohammed Khaled Isma’il al-Kahlut
Male 43 Student
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza

837
Hatem Walid Salem Ghazal
Male 42 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

838
Nasha’at Sami Rezeq Sbeih
Male 24 Farmer/ student
Al-Seyafa area/ Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
Militant

839
Majed Subhi Ramadan Mushtaha
Male 22
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Militant

840
‘Azmi Mohammed Ibrahim Diab
Male 22 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Militant

841
Ahmed Yousif Mohammed Hassanein
Male 21 Employee
Block 4/ al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza

842
Ahmed Salah Ali Hawwas
Male 19 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Militant

843
Abdul Rahman Mohammed Radwan ‘Ashour
Male 11 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza

844
Husam Ra’ed Rezeq Subuh
Male 12 Student
Beit Lahiya/ Northern Gaza

845
Mustafa Rashad Fadel al-Khaldi
Male 18 Student
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza

846
Sherif Zaki Rezeq Subuh
Male 22 Farmer
Al-Seyafa area/ Beit
Lahiya / Northern Gaza
Al-Seyafa area / Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
Militant

847
Abdul Karim Shafiq Hussein Hassan
Male 18 Student
Al-Saftawi area/ Northern Gaza
Al-‘Atatra area/ Northern Gaza

848
Habib Khaled Isma’il al-Kahlut
Male 14 Student
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza

849
Ihsan ‘Eleyan Abdul Rahman al-Ashqar
Male 24 Employee
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

850
Sabri Mohammed Hassan Salman
Male 55 Worker
Tal al-Za’atar/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

851
Mohammed Ali Ahmed Mohammed al-Sultan
Male 56 Jobless
Al-Salatin Area/ Northern Gaza
Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
Militant

852
Mohammed ‘Eleyan Abdul Rahman al-Ashkar
Male 30 Employee
Jabalia / Northern Gaza
Al-‘Amoudi Neighborhood/ Northern Gaza

853
Tayseer Mohammed Abdul ‘Aziz Zumlot
Male 50 Security forces officer
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

854
Anas ‘Aref Baraka
Male 8 Student
Al-Mahatta Area/ Wadi al-Salqa/ Deir al-Balah/ Middle Gaza
04-Jan-09

855
Salem Hamid Salem Abu Muosa
Male 23 Teacher
Khan Younis Refugee Camp/ Khan Younis
Militant

856
Hassan Rateb Mohammed Sama’an
Male 18 Student
Khan Younis Refugee Camp/ Khan Younis
Militant

857
Hamza ‘Oda Mohammed al-Khaldi
Male 25 Policeman
Block 12/ al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
27-Dec-08

858
Salem Harb Hammad al-Bensh
Male 57 Nurse
Al-Salam Neighborhood/ Rafah

859
Mohammed Farid Ahmed al-Ma’asawabi
Male 16
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaaza

860
Abdullah Mohammed Shafiq Abdullah
Male 11 Student
Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
06-Jan-09
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

861
Mohammed Farid Abdullah
Male 32 Employee
Jabalia Town / Northern Gaza
Militant

862
Mohammed Mohammed Hassan Ma’arouf
Male 60 Jobless
Izbat Abed Rabbu / Northern Gaza
Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza

863
Safeya Salem Hussein Abu Heidar
Female 40 Housewife
Al-‘Atatra Area/ Northern Gaza

864
Tareq Mohammed Nemer Abu ‘Amsha
Male 22 Employee
Al-Amal Neighborhood/
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza

865
Hazem ‘Eleyan Abdel Rahman al-Ashkar
Male 31 Employee
Jabalia / Northern Gaza

866
Jihad Rashad Mohammed al-‘Asali
Male 20 Student
‘Amer Housing Project/ Norhern Gaza
Jabalia / Northern Gaza

867
Khadija Abdul Razeq Abdul Fattah Zumlot
Female 70
Jabalia Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

868
Khaled Isma’il Mohammed al-Kahlut
Male 44 Worker
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza

869
Bader Mohammed Mousa Abu Rashed
Female 70 Jobless
Izbat Abed Rabbu / Northern Gaza

870
Mohammed Mohammed Ahmed Abu Rokba
Male 85 Jobless
Jabalia / Northern Gaza

871
Su’ad Khaled Mohammed Munib ‘Abed Rabbu
Female 7 Student
Izbat Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza

872
Amal Khaled Mohammed Munib ‘Abed Rabbu
Female 2
Izbat Abed Rabbu / Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

873
Ibrahim Abdul Rahim Rajab Suleiman
Male 18 Student
Jabalia / Northern Gaza
Militant

874
Ahmed Adib Faraj Jneid
Male 25 Student
Al-Nader Steet/ Northern Gaza
Al-Zawya Street/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

875
Shadi ‘Isam Yousif Hamad
Male 32 Employee
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
05-Jan-09
Zemmu Roundabout/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

JANUARY 8, 2009

876
Yousif Zeyad Ahmed Zaqout
Male 24 Policeman
Al-‘Alami Housing Project/ Jabalia Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
03-Jan-09

877
Jihad ‘Awwad ‘Oda Abu Mdeif
Male 56
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis

878
Bassam Sha’aban Ibrahim Abu Quta
Male 26 Worker
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Hammouda Roundabout/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

879
Hamed Mohi Addin al-Smeiri
Male 58 Worker
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis

880
Ahmed Mubarak Ahmed al-Sharihi
Male 65
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis

881
Basem Mohammed Shehda Dheir
Male 22
Sheja’eya / Gaza

882
‘Umar Ali Hammad Abu Magheisib
Male 20 Jobless
Wadi al-Salqa Village/ Middle Gaza

883
Ahmed Mohammed Mahmoud al-Astal
Male 27
Khan Younis
Militant

884
Ibrahim Mo’in al-‘Abed Juha
Male 14 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
05-Jan-09

885
Amr Mohammed Abdallah Nassar
Male 21 University student
Nuseirat New Refugee Camp/ Middle Gaza
Militant

886
Ala’a Mohammed Shehda Dheir
Male 23 Jobless
Sheja’eya / Gaza

887
Matar Sa’ad Abu Halima
Male 17
Izbat Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
Al-‘Atatra Area/ Northern Gaza

888
Basma Yaser ‘Abed Rabbu al-Jallawi
Female 5
Izbat Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza

889
‘Amer Ibrahim Khalil Ba’alousha
Male 10 Student
Apartment Building 12/ Al-Zahra’a City/ Middle Gaza

890
Halima Mohammed Hassan Badwan
Female 61 Jobless
Izbat Abed Rabbu / Northern Gaza

891
Asa’ad Mohammed Asa’ad al-Jamala
Male 24
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

892
Albina Vladimir yousif al-Jaru
Female 25 Physician / military medical services
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Sheja’eya

893
Bara’a Eyad Samih Shalha
Male 7 Student
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza

894
Mohammed Khader ‘Abed Rajab
Male 17
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

895
Yousif ‘Awni Abdul Rahim al-Jaru
Male 2
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

896
Islam Jaber ‘Arafat Abdul Dayem
Male 16 Student
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
05-Jan-09
Izbat Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza

897
Ra’ed Nafez Ahmed al-Malfouh
Male 27 Employee
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Militant

898
Mohammed Ali Hassan al- Sultan
Male 55 Jobless
Beit Lahiya Housing
Project / Northern Gaza
Al-Salatin Area/ Northern Gaza

899
Anwar Jabr Abdul Hafiz Abu Salem
Male 24
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Militant

900
Mohammed Nafez Deeb al-Hendi
Male 25 Jobless
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Militant

901
Usama Sa’id Mohammed Lubbad
Male 18 Student
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza

902
Ahmed Talal Dader
Male 20
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

903
Ruqaya Mohammed Mohammed Abou al-Naja
Female 55 Housewife
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon

904
Ashraf Hassan Salman Kali
Male 18 Worker
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

905
Fawzi Mahmoud Abu al-‘Araj
Male 21
Deir al-Balah Refugee Camp/ Middle Gaza
Militant

906
Njud Rajab Ghabin
Female 30 Housewife
Al-‘Atatra Area/ Northern Gaza
Beit Lahiya/ Northern Gaza

907
Ihab Jamal Hassan al-Wheidi
Male 32 Journalist
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza

908
Jamal Ahmed Hussein Nashwan
Male 42 Employee
Al-Amal Neighborhood/ Beit Hanoun/ Northern Gaza

909
Abdul Nasser Khalil Hassan ‘Oda
Male 21 Student
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Militant

JANUARY 9, 2009

910
Jawad Mahmoud Mohammed al-Hessi
Male 37 Journalist
Al-Shati Refugee Camp/ Gaza

911
Ala’a Hammad Mahmoud Murtaja
Male 26 Journalist
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

912
Fatma Fayez Mohammed al-Haw
Female 22 Housewife
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza

913
Sa’id Mohammed Yousif Abu Matar
Male 51 Jobless
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza

914
Suheib Mohammed al-Qara’an
Male 16 Student
Northern Qara’a/ al-Zawayda Village/ Middle Gaza

915
Nariman Ahmed Abdul Karim Abu ‘Oda
Female 16 Student
Al-Amal Neighborhood/ Beit Hanoun/ Northern Gaza

916
Fatma Ra’ed Zaki Jad Allah
Female 11 Student
Tal al-Za’atar/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

917
Reyad Yahya Mohammed al-Qara’an
Male 21
Northern Qara’a/ al-Zawayda Village/ Middle Gaza
Militant

918
Shams ‘Umar Khamis ‘Umar
Male 22
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
Militant

919
Fatma Sa’id Mustafa Sa’ad
Female 43 Jobless
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

920
Ahmed Mohammed ‘Uda al-Kurd
Male 31 Jobless
Al-Qerem Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

921
‘Ammar Salim Mohammed al-Kayal
Male 35 Jobless
Al-Shati Refugee Camp/ Gaza

922
Baha’a Addin Zaki ‘Antar Eslim
Male 24 Jobless
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

923
Rana Fayez Nour Salha
Female 12
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza

924
Sha’aban Mohammed Sha’aban Mushtaha
Male 22 Policeman
Sheja’eya / Gaza
‘Arafat Police City/ Gaza

925
Randa Fayez Mohammed Salha
Female 35 Housewife
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza

926
Baha’a Addin Fayez Nour Salha
Male 5
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza

927
Ramez Mahmoud Kamel Abu al-Kheir
Male 29
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Militant

928
Mohammed Hussein al-Qara’an
Male 40
Northern Qara’a/ al-Zawayda Village/ Middle Gaza
Militant

929
Hussam Ibrahim Mteir Nassar (al-Qara’an)
Male 23
Northern Qara’a/ al-Zawayda Village/ Middle Gaza

930
Basem Ibrahim Hussein al-Qra’an
Male 24
Northern Qara’a/ al-Zawayda Village/ Middle Gaza

931
Shahd Sa’ad Allah Matar Abu Halima
Female 2
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza

932
Isma’il Ayman Jamil Yasin
Male 17 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

933
Deya’a Addin Fayez Nour Salha
Male 14 Student
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza

934
Rula Fayez Nour Salha
Female 2
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza

935
‘Is’id Suleiman Sa’id al-Rweidi
Male 54 Worker
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

936
Ibrahim Mahmoud Ahmed Weshah
Male 25 Policeman
Main Roundabout/ Nuseirat/ Middle Gaza
Nuseirat Refugee camp 1/ Middle Gaza

937
Mohammed Ibrahim al-Qara’an
Male 56 Fisherman
Northern Qara’a/ al-Zawayda Village/ Middle Gaza

938
Eyad Saber Nassar
Male 28
Northern Qara’a/ al-Zawayda Village/ Middle Gaza

939
Mohammed Mubarak al-‘Abed Saleh
Male 65 Jobless
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza

940
Ibrahim Rashid Abdul Ghani Qweider
Male 25 Electrician
Near al-Quds Open University/ Nuseirat/ Middle Gaza
Militant

941
Ahmed Ibrahim Selmi Abu Qleiq
Male 18
Bedouin Village/ Northern Gaza

942
Ibrahim Mustafa Sa’id
Male 17
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

943
Wedad Mohammed al-Qara’an
Female 17 Student
Northern Qara’a/ al-Zawayda Village/ Middle Gaza

944
Halima Ismail Ibrahim Saleh
Female 57 Housewife
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza

945
Mohammed Othman Khalil Ishteiwi
Male 29 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

946
Mazen Sa’id Mohammed Abu Matar
Male 29 Policeman
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza

947
‘Umar Khader Mohammed Juma’a
Male 18
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Al-Isra’a Neighborhood/ Northern Gaza
Militant

948
Ala’a Ahmed Fathi Jaber
Female 13 Student
Gaza Old Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

949
Sumaia Juma’a Sa’id Sa’ad
Female 20 Jobless
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

950
Ghanima Sultan Fawzi Halawa
Female 11 Student
Jafa Street/ Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

951
Ahmed Ibrahim Ahmed Juma’a
Male 24 University student
Al-Twam area/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

952
Tamer Jamal Mahmoud Abu Hlayel
Male 24 Worker
Near al-Shuhada Roundabout/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

953
Jamal Hussein Msallam al-Smeiri
Male 23
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis
Militant

954
Usama Mohammed Ahmed Juma’a
Male 29 Driver
Al-Twam area/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Al-Isra’a Neighborhood/ Northern Gaza
Militant

955
Hesham Mahmoud Deeb Senan (Mansour)
Male 23 Worker
Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza

JANUARY 10, 2009

956
Sufyan Abdul Hay Juda Abed Rabbu
Male 25 Worker
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

957
Ahmed Subhi Khalaf Ahel
Male 21 Policeman
Al-Yarmouk Street/ Gaza
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
Militant

958
Younis Mohammed Ahmed Hamad
Male 19 Hairdresser
Al-Shati Refugee Camp/ Gaza
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
Militant

959
Amir Yousif Mahmoud al-Mansi
Male 25 Engineer/ member of the Civil Defense
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Rimal

960
Sami Mohammed Saleh Abed Rabbu
Male 25
‘Amer Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

961
Samed Mahfouz Mahmoud Abed Rabbu
Male 16 Student
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

962
Ana’am Abed Darwish Baba
Female 32 Housewife
Near al-Ansar Mosque/ al-Barrawi area/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

963
Ramez Jamal Faraj Abed Rabbu
Male 38 Worker
The Court Street/ Jabalia / Northern Gaza

964
Yusri Mahmoud Juda Abed Rabbo
Male 19 Worker
The Court Street/ Jabalia / Northern Gaza

965
Hanan Fathi Qdeih ak-Najjar
Female 41 Housewife
Khza’a/ Khan Younis

966
Mohammed Nafeth Mohammed al-Helu
Male 21 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

967
Mohammed Majed Ali Hussein
Male 17 Student
Al-Naser/ Gaza
Al-Mukhabarat Apartment Buildings/ Gaza

968
Tareq Ibrahim Mohammed Abu Tabikh
Male 26
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Militant

969
‘Ahed Kamel Shehada
Banar
Male 23 Employee Sheja’eya/ Gaza

970
Shadi Fathi Ahmed Jneid
Male 28 Worker
Jafa Street/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

971
Abdul Rahman Ahmed Habboush
Male 4
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

972
‘Amer Kamal Ali al-Nether
Male 15 Student
Al-Nader Steet/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia / Northern Gaza

973
Sami Bashir Abed Sa’ad
Male 32 Policeman
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
27-Dec-08
‘Arafat Police City/ Gaza

974
Ahmed Juma’a Suleiman al-Sha’er
Male 21 Student
Kherbat al-‘Adas Village/ Rafah

975
Rashid Hamdan Shehda Dheir
Male 24 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

976
Medhat Fares Mahmoud Hajjaj
Male 76 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

977
Wesam Ibrahim Mesbah Nabhan
Male 17 Student
Al-Nuzha Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia / Northern Gaza

978
‘Ata Kamal Abdul Rahman al-Dahdouh
Male 23 Policeman
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

979
Mohammed Mustafa Rebhi Abdul Khaleq Hussein Abed Rabbu
Male 18 Jobless
The Court Street/ Jabalia / Northern Gaza

980
Abdul Mu’ti Rateb Abdul Mu’ti Salman
Male 22 Worker
Al-Khazan Neibourhood/ Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza

981
Abdul Hakim Khader Mohammed Al- Sultan
Male 15 Student
Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza

982
Ibrahim Mohammed Ghali ‘Asaleya
Male 42
‘Asaleya Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

983
Ali Kamal Ali al-Nether
Male 11 Student
Al-Naser Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia / Northern Gaza

984
Izz Addin Ali ‘Awad al-Burs
Male 17 Student
Al-Nouri Tower/ Nuseirat/ Middle Gaza

985
Hassan Mohammed Mahmoud Harb
Male 22
Block 3/ al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
Militant

986
Amina Nafeth Mohammed al-Helu
Female 14 Student
Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza

987
Ahmed Hamed Hassan Abu ‘Eita
Male 24 Policeman
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
03-Jan-09
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

988
Bayan Khaled Ibrahim Khalif
Male 13 Student
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza

989
Ibrahim Mohammed Mustafa Abu Hmeidan
Male 74
‘Asaleya Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

990
Randa Jamal Faraj Abed Rabbu
Female 43 Housewife
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

991
Sami Mohammed Ahmed Saleh
Male 32 Worker
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

992
Mohammed Jaber Mohammed ‘Eleyan
Male 16 Student
Aslan Street/ Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza

993
Rami Jamal Ramadan Salman
Male 24 University student
Al-Khazan Neibourhood/ Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza

994
Daoud Mohammed Ghali ‘Asaleya
Male 35
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

995
Fatma Mohammed Ahmed Tbeil
Female 82 Housewife
Nuseirat New Camp/ Middle Gaza

996
Sami ‘Umar Sa’id Salman
Male 37
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza

JANUARY 11, 2009

997
Ala’a Addin Fathi Saleh Bashir
Male 42 Jobless
‘Amer Housing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

998
Abdul Rahman Tawfik Mustafa al-Kashif
Male 20 Student
Sheikh ‘Ejleen/ Gaza
Militant

999
TasnimYaser Jaber al-Rafati
Female 2.5
Mas’oud Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1000
Muhannad Mazen Jamil al-Naji
Male 19
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Sheikh ‘Ejleen/ Gaza
Militant

1001
Jamila Hassan Zyada Zyada
Female 77 Housewife
‘Amer Housing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1002
Zakareia Hamed Khamis al-Samouni
Male 8 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
04-Jan-09

1003
Abdullah Arafat ‘Eid Shamalakh
Male 37
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
Militant

1004
Mahmoud Ahmed Abdul Fattah Shamalakh
Male 28
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
Militant

1005
Khawla Ahmed Ramadan Ghaben
Female 15 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1006
Sahar Ahmed Ramadan Ghaben
Female 17 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Izbat Dawwas

1007
Belal Yahya Mohammed Khalaf
Male 19 Jobless
Near al-Twam Roundabout/ ‘Amer Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1008
Ibrahim Yousif Mohammed Hamdan
Male 18
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
Militant

1009
Fatma Mohammed Rushdi Ma’arouf
Female 16 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1010
Ibrahim ‘Ayesh Taha Suleiman
Male 21 Student
‘Amer Housing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1011
Musa’ab Abdul Mohsen Ali Khader
Male 14 Student
Jafa Street/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1012
Mohammed Mansour Shokri Sa’ada
Male 20
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
Militant

1013
Suhaib Ala’a Addin Fathi Bashir
Male 20 Student
‘Amer Housing Project/ Northern Gaza

1014
Ibrahim Mohammed Hussein Khalaf
Male 40 Worker
Near al-Twam Roundabout/ ‘Amer Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1015
Rami Mohammed Sa’id Abu al-‘Ata
Male 29
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Militant

1016
Jihad Rashad Sha’aban Dallul
Male 16 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
03-Jan-09

1017
Lamia’a Hassan Rashid Bashir
Female 42 Housewife
‘Amer Housing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1018
Fares Tala’at Asa’ad Hammouda
Male 2
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza

1019
Wajih Ahmed Wasfi Mushtaha
Male 24
Al-Sha’af/ Gaza
Militant

1020
Mohammed Abdullah Mustafa al-Sha’er
Male 25 Worker
Msabbeh Village/ Rafah
Kherbat al-‘Adas Village/ Rafah

1021
Dalal ‘Ashour Asa’ad Aal-Qatati “Hannouna”
Female 50
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

1022
Mahmoud Jamal Hassan Mohammadin
Male 16 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

1023
Ali Ishaq Ali Shamalakh
Male 22
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
Militant

1024
‘Isam Ishaq Ali Shamalakh
Male 22
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
Militant

1025
Ramzi Rafe’ Matar Abu Ghanima
Male 21
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
Militant

1026
Fathi Shaiboub Ahmed al-Shenbari
Male 21 Jobless
Al-Amal Neighborhood/ Beit Hanoun/ Northern Gaza
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
Militant

1027
Nour Mohammed Nour Addin ‘Emeish
Male 24 Student
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis
Militant

1028
Ibrahim Mahmoud Ahmed al-Jundi
Male 20 Jobless
Al-Sha’af/ Gaza

1029
Mohammed Nasir Abu Jame’ Younis
Male 17 Student
Bani Sheila/ Khan Younis

1030
Mohammed Tala’at Asa’ad Hammouda
Male 17 Student
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza

1031
Munther Mahmoud Mohammed al-Jundi
Male 34 Jobless
Al-Sha’af/ Gaza

1032
Amal Najib Mohammed Alloush
Female 12 Student
Near Abu Shbak Clinic/ Mas’oud Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1033
Ala’a Hamed Mohammed Abu Jame’
Male 20 University student
Bani Sheila/ Khan Younis

1034
Mohammed Abed Taher al-Jalb
Male 67 Jobless
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza

1035
Baha’a Khaled Abdul Mune’m ‘Abed
Male 26
Al-Jurun area/ Jabalia / Northern Gaza

1036
Haitham Yasser Yousif Ma’arouf
Male 11 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1037
Amal Ahmed Yasin al-Madhoun
Female 22 University student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
09-Jan-09

1038
Usama Khaled Hussein Abu Rjeila
Male 17 Student
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis

JANUARY 12, 2009

1039
Ferial Kamal Mahmoud al-Banna
Female 24 Jobless
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1040
Mustafa Juma’a Ibrahim al-Basha
Male 20 Student
Haifa Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1041
Jabr Hussein Helmi Habib
Male 50 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

1042
Khalil Ahmed Ghali Abu al-Kheir
Male 22
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Palestine Sequare/ Gaza
Militant

1043
Usama Ayoub Yousif al-Seifi
Male 24
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

1044
Ayat Kamal Mahmoud al-Banna
Female 12 Student
Al-Nazla/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1045
Ayman Faraj Habib Shaldan
Male 35 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

1046
Issa Abdul Rahim Saleh
Male 29 Physician / member of military medical services
Jabalia / Northern Gaza

1047
Ahmed Ibrahim Mohammed Abu Jazar
Male 18 Student
Abu Bakr al-Seddiq/ Rafah

1048
Abdul Rahman Mohammed ‘Ateya Ghaben
Male 15 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1049
Mohammed Jamal Mshamekh Nassar
Male 25
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Militant

1050
Mohammed Lutfi Mahmoud al-Hor
Male 19 Student
Block O/ Rafah
Abu Bakr al-Seddiq/ Rafah
Militant

1051
Sha’aban Abdul Moawla Sha’aban al-Ghurra
Male 29
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

1052
‘Anan Nemer Sha’aban Mansour
Male 44 Driver
Jabalia / Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

1053
Fad Allah ‘Imad Hassan al-Najjar
Male 2
Block 2/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

1054
Sa’ad Mohammed Abdullah Hassan
Male 21 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

1055
Mohammed Habib Diab Abu Lubbad
Male 20
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

1056
Ehsan Fawzi Nazmi al-Nadim
Male 33
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

1057
Ala’a Addin Munther Abdul Ra’ouf al-Shafi
Male 27 Worker
Rimal/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

1058
Mohammed Mu’in ‘Ata al-Ketnani
Male 18 Policeman
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
27-Dec-08
‘Arafat Police City/ Gaza

1059
Madallah Ahmed Abu Rukba
Female 81 Housewife
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1060
Abdullah Sa’id Saleh al-‘Imawi
Male 22 Nurse /member of military medical services
Sheja’eya

1061
Tareq Fadel Abdullah Ja’afar
Male 24
Palestine Sequare/ Gaza
Militant

1062
Mohammed ‘Adnan Khalaf al-Haddad
Male 21 Blacksmith
Al-Zaytoon

1063
‘Afaf Rabi’ Hassan Juma’a
Female 30 Housewife
Jabalia / Northern Gaza
Al-Saftawi area/ Northern Gaza

1064
Sharif Sami Ghali Abu al-Kheir
Male 23
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Gaza Minicipality
Militant

1065
Sa’id Mahmoud Hassan al-‘Umary
Male 34 Employee
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
06-Jan-09

1066
Nasha’at Ra’ed al-Firi
Male 12 Student
Jabalia / Northern Gaza

1067
Mamdouh Walid Asa’ad Shhiebar
Male 18 Student
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Al-Sena’a Street/ Gaza

1068
‘Eid ‘Oda al-Shandi
Male 30 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

1069
Raji Rushdi Mahmoud Dalloul
Male 21
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

1070
Mahmoud Ahmed Fares Juha
Male 16
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

1071
Hassan Mohammed Ali Eshteiwi
Male 64 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

1072
Mohammed Hassan Badawi al-B|arrawi
Male 22 Trader
‘Amer Housing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1073
Mahmoud Salamah Mohammed
Male 24
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Al-Rayes Hamada Mountain/ Gaza
Militant

1074
Khaled Hassan Ahmed al-‘Abed
Male 20 Student
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
Al-‘Atatra area/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1075
Younis Mohammed Younis al-Sherbasi
Male 24 Employee
Al-Soudaneya area/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1076
Eyad Taher Ahmed Shehada
Male 17 Student
Al-Nazla area/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1077
Naji Ramzi Yousif Mustafa Meet
Male 21 Jobless
Block 4/ al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
06-Jan-09

JANUARY 13, 2009

1078
Asa’ad Sa’adi Abdul Fattah Ahmed
Male 24 University student
Al-Saftawi area/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1079
Mohammed Abdul Mu’ti Hamad Abu Sneima
Male 31
Al-Shuka Village/ Rafah
Militant

1080
Munir Abdul Aziz Mohammed Abu Sneima
Male 25 Farmer
Al-Shuka Village/ Rafah
Al-Naser Neighborhood/ Rafah
Militant

1081
Abdul Rahman Ibrahim Tawfiq Jaballah
Male 14 Student
Al-Sekka Street/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

1082
Mamdouh Msa’ed Mohammed Qdeih
Male 17 Student
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis

1083
Abdul Majid Shehada Abdul Khaleq Khader
Male 78 Guard
Beit Hanoun/ Northern Gaza
Eastern Road

1084
Hassan Na’im Hassan Abu Hasira
Male 37 Worker
Al-Mansheya Street/ Gaza
11-Jan-09
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

1085
Ala’a Hamed Mohammed Abu Rida
Male 20 University student
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis

1086
Ala’a Khaled Khalil al-Najjar
Female 15 Student
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis

1087
Ashraf Hamdi Mohammed ‘Ayyad
Male 22 Farmer
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

1088
Hani Mohammed Abdullah Abu Rayyan
Male 25 Jobless
?Aslan Neighborhood/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1089
Mahmoud Mohammed Mahmoud Jaballah
Male 14 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

1090
Mazen Fayez Mohammed al-Sherbasi
Male 25
‘Amer Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1091
Mohammed Maher Ahmed al-Zenati
Male 17 Student
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
Al-Andalus Hotel/ Gaza

1092
Belal Mohammed Kamel Diba
Male 21 Student
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Militant

1093
Ghassan Ibrahim Mahmoud Abu Zer
Male 25 Jobless
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis

1094
Mohammed Nader Khalil Abu Sha’aban
Male 17 Student
Rimal/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Militant

1095
Suleiman Juma’a Ibrahim ‘Emeish
Male 19 Student
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis

1096
Fathi Yousif Fathi al-Mzeini
Male 19 Student
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Militant

1097
Yousif Mohammed Ahmed al-Farahta
Male 17 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

1098
Rawheya Ahmed Suleiman al-Najjar
Female 45 Housewife
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis

1099
Ali ‘Umar Ali al-Tannani
Male 24
Al-Twam Area/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1100
Mohammed Jamil Abdullah Qdeih
Male 15 Student
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis

1101
Yahya Jamil Mesbah ‘Ayyad
Male 30 Worker
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

1102
Basem TAla’at Abdul
Male 12 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
Nabi Northern Gaza Camp

1103
Khalil Hamdan Ahmed al-Najjar
Male 75 Farmer
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis

1104
Ibrahim Isma’il Mohammed Dababsheh
Male 22 Employee
Al-Twam area/ ‘Amer Housing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1105
Mahmoud Suleiman Mahmoud al- Najjar
Male 55 Jobless
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis

1106
Murad Rezeq Jamil Tanbura
Male 27 Jobless
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1107
Na’el Rajab Mohammed Ali
Male 34 Employee
‘Amer Housing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1108
Ibrahim Rafiq Saber Abu al-Kheir
Male 27
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

1109
Usama Ahmed al-‘Absi
Male 20 Student
‘Amer Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1110
Majdi Nahed Harb Eselim al-Bassous
Male 15 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

1111
Mohammed Khalil Ibrahim Abu Leila
Male 20 University student
Al-Maqqousi area/ Jabalia/ /Northern Gaza
‘Amer Housing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1112
Hazem Khaled Mahmoud ‘Ayyad
Male 28 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Salah Addin Street/ Gaza
Militant

1113
Amjad Fadel Abdullah Abu Rayyan
Male 24 Jobless
Aslan Neighborhood/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1114
Mohammed Khalil Diab al-Tatar
Male 28 Jobless
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
Militant

1115
Ra’ed Ahmed Mohammed al-Safadi
Male 21 Jobless
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Militant

1116
Nabil Kamal Mohammed Abu Samra (Mekhraq)
Male 19 Government employee
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

1117
Hassan Mohammed Mohammed Abu Zamar
Male 22
Al-Karam Apartment Buildings/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1118
Kamel Jamil Kamel al-Sarhi
Male 22 Student
Al-Maqqousi Apartment Buildings/ Gaza
Al-Soudaneya area/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1119
Mohammed Na’im ‘Ata
Male 25 Policeman
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
‘Arafat Police City/ Gaza

1120
Yasser Abdullah Mousa Qdeih
Male 36 Worker
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis

1121
Mo’men Ahmed Juma’a al-Smeiri
Male 22 Student
Al-Qarara/ Khan Younis
Al-Zanna area/ Khan Younis

1122
Saddam Jamil Salim Abdul Nabi
Male 19
Al-Falouja area/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

1123
Mahmoud Sa’id Mohammed al-Sha’er
Male 47 Money changer
Khan Younis

1124
Feras Fayez Kamel Abu Samra
Male 17 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

1125
Mohammed Zaki Ahmed (Abu ‘Oda) Abu Teir
Male 20 Student
Abasan al-Kabira/ Khan Younis

1126
Mustafa Mohammed Nasser Tawfiq al-‘Ashi
Male 17 Student
‘Amer Housing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1127
Mohammed Medhat Harb Eslim al-Bassous
Male 10 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

1128
Nedal Mohammed Hussein Abu Rida
Male 18 Student
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis

1129
‘Ammar Fadel al-Abed Sa’ad
Male 25 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

1130
Ahmed Kamal Hammouda al-Borlu
Male 23 Policeman
Al-Naser/ Gaza
Near al-Khuzundar Petrol Station/ Al-Soudaneya area/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1131
Hatem Mousa Deeb Abu Daf
Male 24
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

1132
Yasser Shehab Addin ‘Ukasha
Male 27 Egyptian
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1133
Yousif ‘Umar Mohammed Lubbad
Male 23 University student
‘Amer Housing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1134
Na’im Abdullah Ali Abu Rayyan
Male 54 jobless
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1135
Mohammed ‘Adel Khalil al-Ashkar
Male 29 Worker
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1136
Mohammed Ala’a Addin Falah al-Sawafiri
Male 14
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

1137
Rasha Ahmed Khalil al-Skeiri Abu Jame’
Female 21 Housewife
Al-Qarara/ Khan Younis
Al-Zanna area/ Khan Younis

1138
Qasem Tala’at Jamil Abdul Nabi
Male 7 Student
Al-Falouja area/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

1139
Mohammed Maher Mohammed Herzalla
Male 23 Journalist in Al-Quds channel
Rimal/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

1140
Ahmed Juma’a Ahmed Abu Jamous
Male 28 Jobless
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis

1141
Rami Mahmoud Rajab al-Qedra
Male 30
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

JANUARY 14, 2009

1142
Mahmoud Khader Mohammed Abu Kamil
Male 14 Student
Al-Mughraqa village/ Middle Gaza

1143
Ahmed Mohammed Abdul Rahman al-Bursh
Male 47 Jobless
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1144
Izz Addin ‘Adel Khaled al-Farra
Male 14 Student
Al-Qarara/ Khan Younis

1145
Ramzi Rawhi Khalil ‘Awad
Male 25 Jobless
Block 1/ al-Bureij/ Nuseirat/ Middle Gaza
Militant

1146
Mohammed Izz Addin Wahid Mousa
Male 24 Worker
Al-Sabra/ Gaza

1147
Raja’a Mohammed Ghaben
Female 22
Izbat Dawwas/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1148
Mohammed al-Sayed Mohammed ‘Akkila
Male 7 Student
Al-Naser/ Gaza

1149
Shadia Ahmed Jaber (Hassan)
Female 53 Housewife
Al-Maqqousi Apartment Buildings/ Gaza

1150
Izz Addin Wahid Mohammed Mousa
Male 51
Al-Sabra/ Gaza

1151
Tawfiq Hassan Saleh al-Deiri
Male 20
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Militatnt

1152
Reyad Mohammed Ali Mahmoud al-Ra’i
Male 27 Teacher
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

1153
Walid Hamouda Mohammed al-za’about
Male 32 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

1154
Mohammed al-‘Abed Mohammed Naser
Male 24
Near al-Tawba Mosque/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1155
Hussein Mohammed Ahmed al-Sha’er
Male 21
Rafah
Al-Sha’af/ Gaza
Militant

1156
Hammam Mohammed Hassan al-Khudary
Male 16
Al-Sha’af/ Gaza

1157
Sa’ad Allah Matar Mas’oud Abu Halimah
Male 46 Worker
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1158
Tawfiq Fares Shehada Shehada
Male 58
Al-Fayrouz Apartment Buildings/ Gaza

1159
Mazen Asa’ad Salem al-Dhash
Male 31
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

1160
Hadil Jabr Diab al-Rafati
Female 9 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1161
Abdul Rahim Sa’ad Allah Abu Halima
Male 14 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1162
Belal Jamal Isma’il Abu ‘Awwad
Male 17 Student
Block 1/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

1163
Hassan Hesham al-Sakka
Male 21
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1164
Khalil Mohammed Mousa Bhar
Male 12 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Al-Sha’af

1165
Samir Mohammed Kamel Mkat
Male 18 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

1166
Hamza Sa’ad Allah Matar Abu Halima
Male 8 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1167
Mohammed Sa’adi Sa’id ‘Eleiwa
Male 23 Worker
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
12-Jan-09

1168
Zeyad Sa’ad Allah Matar Abu Halima
Male 10 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1169
Mahmoud Bakr Mahmoud al-Za’about
Male 20 Jobless
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant

1170
Yousif Mustafa Hassan al-Kurdi
Male 21
Al-Shabura Refugee Camp/ Rafah
Al-Naser village/ Rafah
Militant

1171
Ahmed Izz Addin Wahid Mousa
Male 28 Dressmaker
Al-Sabra/ Gaza

1172
Usama Kayed Mohammed Abu Jayyab
Male 45 Dressmaker
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza

1173
Nour Izz Addin Wahid Mousa
Male 15 Student
Al-Sabra/ Gaza

1174
Wahid Izz Addin Wahid Mousa
Male 29 Dressmaker
Al-Sabra/ Gaza

1175
Seif Addin Mohammed Ibrahim al-Firani
Male 20 Employee
Al-Nazla area/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1176
Ahmed Mustafa Ahmed Mekdad “Abu Tawaha”
Male 81
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza

1177
Akram Matar Mohammed al-Seiqali
Male 54 Taxi driver
Al-Naser Neighborhood/ Rafah
‘Abasan al-Kabira/ Khan Younis

1178
Fares Mohammed Khalil ‘Abdeen
Male 31 Jobless
Al-Naser Village/ Rafah

1179
Uthman Ibrahim ‘Ateya Abu Sneima
Male 21 Farmer
Al-Naser Village/ Rafah
Militant

1180
Ahmed Mohammed Abd Rabbu al-Belbisi
Male 42 Worker
Al-Naser Village/ Rafah

1181
Jihad Ala’a Addin Abdul Rahman al-‘Amassi
Male 19 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

1182
Mohammed Ibrahim Abdul Ghaffar Jahjouj
Male 25
‘Amer Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1183
Haitham ‘Adnan Mohammed Abu al-Qumsan
Male 18 Student
Opposite to ‘Uthman Ibn ‘Affan School/ al-Twam area/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1184
‘Ahed Fayeq ‘Ayesh Abu ‘Asi
Male 27
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Militant

1185
Hamdi Saleh Mohammed Hamada
Male 25 Civil defense member
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1186
Hanan Shaba’an ‘Urabi al- Najjar
Female 40 Jobless
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1187
‘Aisha Ibrahim al-Sayed al-Najjar
Female 4
Al-Nader Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1188
Kafa Mohammed Abdul Rahman al-Nader
Female 38 Housewife
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1189
Mohammed Wajih Mohammed al-Refa’i
Male 24 Worker
Al-Sha’af/ Gaza

1190
Fadi Mohammed ‘Umar Znad
Male 25 Worker
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

1191
Izz Addin Ali Mohammed al-Ashqar
Male 33 Jobless
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1192
Khalil al-‘Abed Jaber (Hassan)
Male 63 Employee
Al-Maqqousi Apartment Buildings/ Gaza

1193
Ahmed Mohammed Ayoub Khella
Male 23 University student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

JANUARY 15, 2009

1194
Mustafa Kamel Ahmed Baraka
Male 44 Jobless
Al-Berka Street/ Deir al-Balah/ Middle Gaza
Rafah

1195
Karim Mesbah Mohammed Abu Sidu
Male 16 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
13-Jan-09
Jafa Street

1196
Rajab Mahmoud Ahmed ‘Elwan
Male 27 Jobless
Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza

1197
Issa Mohammed Jabr Abu ‘Ubeida
Male 17 Student
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

1198
Hala ‘Isam Ahmed al-Mnei’i
Female 1 mnth
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
13-Jan-09

1199
Fathi Daoud ‘Abed al-Kerem
Male 50 Jobless
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza

1200
Ala’a Fathi Daoud al-Kerem
Male 14 Student
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza

1201
Amir ‘Aziz Mahmoud Abu Reyala
Male 23
Al-Karama Apartment Buildings/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1202
Hamdi Ibrahim Mohammed al-Banna
Male 22
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Militant

1203
‘Uday Salama Yousif al-Haddad
Male 54 Jobless
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza

1204
Khader Abdul Ghaffar al-Jadba
Male 41 Teacher
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

1205
Ayman Mohammed Darwish ‘Emara
Male 25 Policeman
Al-Sha’af/ Gaza
10-Jan-09

1206
Shaima’a ‘Adel Ibrahim al-Jdba
Female 9 Student
Al-Sourani Street/ Al-Tufah/ Gaza

1207
Samira ‘Afif Hassan Mousa
Female 48
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
14-Jan-09

1208
Rasmi Mohammed Ali Abu Jarir
Male 36
Al-Heker area/ Deir al-Balah/ Middle Gaza
Rafah

1209
Abdullah al-Souri
Male 24
Al-Karama area/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1210
Yasmin ‘Adel Ibrahim al-Jadba
Female 15 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

1211
Diab Abdul Kader Rajab Mkat
Male 48 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

1212
Mohammed Mzein Mousa Sha’aban
Male 23 Worker
Al-Sabra/ Gaza

1213
Medhat ‘Abed Ali Banar
Male 23 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa

1214
Iman Abdul Kader Eslim
Female 20 Housewife
Rimal/ Gaza

1215
Ahmed Fayez Sha’aban al-Bahtiti
Male 19 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Al-Bashir Mosque/ al-Tufah/ Gaza

1216
Mohammed Nawwaf Ahmed Na’im
Male 24
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon

1217
Sa’eb Nafez Sha’aban al-Bahtiti
Male 18 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

1218
Munther Ghaleb Hamdan Dughmush
Male 41 Jobless
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza

1219
‘Ahed Mazen Abdullah al-Ghura
Male 29 Policeman
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon

1220
‘Imad Sa’id Mohammed aa-Najjar
Male 34 Policeman
Al-Karama Apartment Buildings/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1221
Samih Mohammed Mohammed al-Na’oouq
Male 39 Employee
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1222
Zayed Mohammed Mohammed Jneid
Male 30 Member of military medical services
Al-Qerem Roundabout/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1223
Leila Rashid Wahdan Abu Aqlein
Female 66 Housewife
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza

1224
Bara’a ‘Ata Hassan Ermeilat
Female 1
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1225
Ramadan Sha’aban al-Barrawi al-Faluji
Male 23 Jobless
Al-Sha’af/ Gaza
Militant

1226
Louay Jabr ‘Ata Hussein
Male 20 University student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
14-Jan-09
Al-Salatin area/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1227
Ahmed ‘Ata Mousa al-Ketnani
Male 19.5 Worker
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

1228
Ahmed Fou’ad Mohammed Thabet
Male 26 Jobless
Berket al-Waz al-Maghazi/ Middle Gaza
Sofa Road/ Rafah

1229
‘Imad Maher Saleh Ferwana
Male 17
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza

1230
Ahmed Mzein Mousa Sha’aban
Male 21 Jobless
Al-Sabra/ Gaza

1231
‘Adel Sabri Abu al-‘Own
Male 27
Al-Karama area/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1232
Mohammed Ahmed Abdullah Saleh
Male 62 Jobless
Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza

1233
Amal ‘Ayad ‘Oda (Ermeilat)
Female 30 Housewife
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1234
Mohammed Zeyad Ibrahim Abu ‘Abdu
Male 24
Al-Karama Apartment Buildings/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1235
Abdul Latif Mohammed Mohammed al-Na’ouq
Male 52 Teacher
Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza

1236
Mohammed Ahmed Mahmoud Abdullah
Male 63 Jobless
Al-Twam area/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1237
Mohammed Issa Ahmed al-Shrafi
Male 27
Al-Shati Refugee Camp/ Gaza
Al-Karama area/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1238
Sabrin ‘Ata Hassan Ermeilat
Female 14 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1239
Yahya Mahmoud al-‘Abed al-Quqa
Male 24 Jobless
Al-Shati Refugee Camp/ Gaza
Al-Soudaneya area/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1240
Suheil Younis Ibrahim al-Safadi
Male 18 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Al-Tufah

1241
‘Aisha ‘Eid ‘Ayyad al-Bahri
Female 70 Housewife
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1242
Arij ‘Ata Hassan Ermeilat
Female 2 mnths
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1243
Mohammed Salem al-Na’ouq
Male 75 Retired
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1244
Ala’a ‘Uday Salama al-Haddad
Female 15 Student
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza

1245
Ahmed Zuheir Abdul Hamid al-‘Aloul
Male 21 Student
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Militant

1246
Eyad Mohammed Seyam
Male 35 Jobless
Al-Yarmouq Street/ Gaza

1247
Sa’id Mohammed Sha’aban Seyam
Male 48 Legislative Council Memebr
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza

1248
Jamal Taha Mohammed Mghames
Male 49 Employee
Al-Maqqousi Apartment Buildings/ Gaza
14-Jan-09

1249
Mahmoud Zuheir Abdul Hamid al-‘Aloul
Male 18 Worker
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Militant

1250
Zuheir Abdul Hamid Ramadan al-‘Aloul
Male 47
Al-Sabra/ Gaza

1251
Hussam Mohammed Sha’aban Eslim
Male 7 Student
Northern Rimal/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon

1252
Ahmed Mohammed Sha’aban Eslim
Male 13 Student
Northern Rimal/ Gaza

1253
Hamdan Jalal Jamil Dughmush
Male 19 Student
Southern Rimal/ Gaza
Militant

1254
Zaki Rafiq Jayab Shheibar
Male 24 Policeman
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Militant

1255
Sahar Ali Sha’aban Eslim
Female 17 Student
Al-Yarmouq Street/ Northern Rimal/ Gaza

1256
Tamer Reyad Ibrahim Faza’a
Male 17 Student
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Militant

1257
Na’im Khader Salman Hamada
Male 20 Blacksmith
Al-Sahaba Neighborhood/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Militant

1258
Bilal Mzeinn Mousa Sha’aban
Male 19 Worker
Al-Sabra/ Gaza

1259
Mohammed Faraj Sa’id Dughmush
Male 35
Southern Rimal/ Gaza
Militant

1260
Ehsan Mohammed Zaki al-Haddad
Female 45 Housewife
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza

1261
Hanin Fadel Mohammed al-Batran
Female 10 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa

1262
‘Ismat Fathi Daoud al-Qerem
Female 15 Student
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza

1263
Ahmed Usama Mohammed Kurtom
Male 7 Student
Northern Rimal/ Gaza

1264
Maher Khaled Ja’afar al-Beik
Male 49 Policeman
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Al-Sabra

1265
Haitham Abdul Hafez Yousif Abdul ‘Al
Male 23
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Militant

1266
Mamdouh Lutfi al-‘Abed Abu al-Ruk
Male 23 University student
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis

1267
Maher Hashem Hamdan Dughmush
Male 50 Jobless
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza

1268
Mohammed Zuheir Abdul Hamid al-‘Aloul
Male 23 Student
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Militant

1269
Abdullah Abdul Hamid Hussam Abu Mu’ammar
Male 22 Student
Rafah
14-Jan-09

1270
Shehda Fathi Shihda al-Kurd
Male 28
Yebna Refugee camp/ Rafah
Militant

1271
Hatem ‘Uday Salama al-Haddad
Male 19
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza

1272
Ramadan Abdul Hamid Ramadan al-‘Aloul
Male 27
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Militant

1273
Ali Kamal Badawi al-Barrawi
Male 14 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Al-Nafaq Street/ Gaza

1274
Mekbel ‘Eid Salem Jarabi’a
Male 92
Al-Karama Apartment Buildings/ Nortern Gaza
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza

1275
Samer Mohammed al-‘Abed Abu ‘Aser
Male 17 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

1276
Tha’er Suheil Ali Hussein
Male 19
Al-Mukhabarat Apartmetn Buildings/ Gaza

1277
Tamer Ibrahim ‘Ateya Abu ‘Aser
Male 24
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Al-Rayes Mountain/ Gaza
Militant

1278
Eyad ‘Adli Ramadan Al-Najjar
Male 25
Mas’oud Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1279
Mohammed Sa’id Mohammed Seyam
Male 22 Policeman
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza

1280
Fayez Sha’aban ‘Umar al-Bahtiti
Male 42 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza

1281
Mohammed Isma’il Seyam
Male 27 Policeman
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza

1282
Samah ‘Ateya Mohammed Seyam
Female 33 Housewife
Al-Yarmouq Street/ Gaza

1283
Ahmed Mansour Husni Hassuna
Male 27 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa

1284
Mohammed Nabil Sha’aban Eslim
Male 20 Student
Al-Yarmouq Street/ Northern Rimal/ Gaza

1285
Farid Hejazi Mohammed al-Helu
Male 23 Security officer
Near al-Rahma Mosque/ al-Sena’a Street/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Militant

1286
Ahmed Ayoub ‘Isam al-Bitar
Male 31 Worker
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Militant

JANUARY 16, 2009

1287
Fayez Ali al-‘Abed Banar
Male 25 Policeman
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

1288
Iman Issa Abdul Hadi al-Batran
Female 11 Student
Block 4/ al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza

1289
Hussam Mohammed Ali Abu Daqqa
Male 24 Farmer
Al-Fukhari village/ Khan Younis

1290
Ra’afat Khalil Hamdan Abu al-‘Ela
Male 47 Plumber
Bani Sheila/ Khan Younis

1291
Ibrahim Mohammed Kassab Shurrab
Male 18 University student
Al-Fukhari village/ Khan Younis

1292
Ahmed al-‘Abed Ali Banar
Male 17 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

1293
Kassab Mohammed Kassab Shurab
Male 28 Engineer
Al-Fukhari village/ Khan Younis

1294
Naser Yusif Abdul Hadi al-Siefi
Male 41 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

1295
Hashem Rabah Muhi Addin al-Hetu
Male 47 Trader
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Palestine Sequare/ Gaza

1296
Abdul Rahman Haitham Juda Zumlut
Male 19 Policeman
Al-Karama Apartment Building/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1297
Rawan Isma’il Mohammed Al-Najjar
Female 7 Student
Gaza Old Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1298
Belal Issa Abdul Hadi al-Batran
Male 6 Student
Block 4/ al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza

1299
Ala’a Sa’id Khamis Modad
Male 40
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

1300
‘Umar Mahmoud Ramadanal- Mranakh
Male 18 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1301
Malak Salama Abdul Hay Abu ‘Eita
Female 3
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1302
Hamouda Zayed Ahmed Thabet
Male 21 Farmer
Al-Naser village/ Rafah
Militant

1303
Mohammed Usama Abdul Fattah ‘Eqeilan
Male 21 Jobless
Al-Naser/ Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1304
Anwar Salman Rushdi Abdul Hai Abu ‘Eita
Male 7 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1305
Zakia Abdul Hai Ali Abu ‘Eita
Female 50 Housewife
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1306
Maiar Izzi Addin Mohammed Abu al-‘Eish
Female 15 Student
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ East of Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1307
Noura Shhab Addin Mohammed Abu al-‘Eish
Female 17 Student
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ East of Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1308
Bisan Izzi Addin Mohammed Abu al-‘Eish
Female 21 University student
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ East of Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1309
Aya Izzi Addin Abu al-‘Eish
Female 14 Student
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ East of Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1310
Belal Tysir Taha Mousa
Male 29 Policeman
Opposite to al-Yazji Mosque/ al-Nafaq Street/ Gaza
Militant

1311
Usama Jamal Mohammed ‘Ubeid
Male 21 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
04-Jan-09
Beer al-Na’aja area/ Northern Gaza

1312
Mohammed ‘Atef Mohammed Abu al-Husni
Male 12 Student
Gaza Old street/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1313
Izz Addin Issa Abdul Hadi al-Batran
Male 3
Block 4/ al-Bureij/ Middle gaza

1314
Ashraf Rebhi al-‘Abed Banar
Male 35 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

1315
Ahmed Abdul Hay Hassan al-Safadi
Male 24
Al-Daraj/ Gaza
15-Jan-09
Al-Nafaq Street/ Gaza
Militant

1316
Fadi Hassan Khader Hassanein
Male 24
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
Al-Shati Refugee camp/ Gaza
Militant

1317
Abdullah Nawwaf Ahmed Na’im
Male 19
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

1318
Ehsan Issa Abdul Hadi al-Batran
Male 14 Student
Block 4/ al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza

1319
Al-Mu’taz Bellah Abdul Muttaleb Zidan Dahman
Male 23 Student
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
15-Jan-09
Militant

1320
Subhi Mohammed Khamis Modad
Male 50 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

1321
Hussam Hassan Rajab al-Jmasi
Male 35 Worker
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Militant

1322
Musa’ab Subhi Mohammed Modad
Male 17
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa

1323
‘Abed Ali ‘Abed Banar
Male 48 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

1324
Mahmoud Khader Fadel Abu Salem
Male 19 Jobless
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
14-Jan-09
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Militant

1325
Ammar Mohammed Ahmed Hassouna
Male 19 Student
Al-Shati Refugee camp/ Gaza
Al-Soudaneya area/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1326
Ahmed Salamah Abdul Hay Abu ‘Eita
Male 10 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1327
Mohammed Yasser Mansour al-Qerem
Male 22
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Militant

1328
Abdullah Mohammed Abdul Rahman al-Juju
Male 17 Student
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza

1329
Fayez Sa’id Faraj Shamali
Male 52 Worker
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

1330
Islam Issa Abdul Hadi al-Batran
Female 14 Student
Block 4/ al-Bureij/ Middle gaza

1331
Manal Hassan Ali al-Batran (al-Sha’arawi)
Female 32 Housewife
Block 4/ al-Bureij/ Middle gaza

1332
Nassar Abdul Mahdi Mtawe’
Male 85
Al-Mughraqa Village/ Middle Gaza

1333
Shadi al-‘Abed Ali Banar
Male 28
Sheja’eya/ Gaza

1334
Muhannad ‘Amer Khalil al-Jdeili
Male 8 Student
Block 7/ al-Bureij/ Middle gaza

JANUARY 17, 2009

1335
Mohammed Saleh Sa’id Abu Daiya
Male 52 Farmer
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

1336
‘Ateya Talab Abed Rabbu Abu al-Hsein
Male 45 Employee
Al-Naser Village/ Rafah

1337
Mohammed Abdullah Salama Abu ‘Eteiwi
Male 16 Student
Nuseirat New Refugee Camp/ Middle Gaza

1338
Fatma Mahmoud Abdallah ‘Ubeid
Female 55 Jobless
East of Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza

1339
Musa’ab Mohammed Ali Abu al-‘Amarin
Male 22
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
Al-Karama Apartment Buildings/ Gaza
Militant

1340
Jabr Mohammed Mohammed al-Dawawsa
Male 22
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
06-Jan-09

1341
Munir Sami Amin Ahmed Sheibar
Male 15 Student
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
07-Jan-09

1342
Na’im Mohammed Shehada
Male 52 Jobless
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1343
Usama Mohammed Abdullah Khella
Male 30 Worker
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
13-Jan-09

1344
Abdullah Malek Addin al-Hajj Ali
Male 22 Student
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1345
Maryam Abdul Rahman Shaker Abu Daher
Female 87 Jobless
Al-Isra’a Neighborhood/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1346
Eyad Abdul Hay al-Najjar
Male 25 Jobless
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza

1347
Mohammed Mohammed Shehda al-Ashkar
Male 4
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1348
Nour Addin Mohammed Jamil Hamada
Male 22 Employee
‘Amer Husing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1349
Rami Nahed Mohammed Abu ‘Ubeid
Male 25
Abu Eskandar area/ Gaza
Al-Mukhabarat Apartment Buildings/ al-Soudaneya area/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1350
Anwar Marwan Fayeq Shehada
Female 14 Student
Al-Ghabbari Neighborhood/ Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza

1351
Fawzeya Fawwaz Ahmed Saleh
Female 4
Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza

1352
Ahmed Fawwaz Ahmed Saleh
Male 5
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

1353
Fathi Mohammed Abdallah ‘Ubeid
Male 63 Trader
Al-Karama Street/ Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza

1354
Belal Mohammed Sehda al-Ashkar
Male 6 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1355
Asil Munir Matar al-Kafarna
Female 1
Al-Amal Neighborhood/ Beit Hanoun/ Northern Gaza

1356
Khaled Hafez Khaled al-Turk
Male 25 Cypercafé owner
Al-Karama Apartment Buildings/ Northern Gaza
‘Amer Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Militant

JANUARY 18, 2009

1357
‘Abed Juma’a Mahmoud ‘Ayyad
Male 80 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

1358
Wa’el Khalil Mesbah Aal-‘Attar
Male 33 Worker
Al-‘Atatra area/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1359
Akram Khader Abdul Kader Ma’arouf
Male 46 Worker
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1360
Ibrahim Mohammed Mousa al-‘Ir
Male 12 Student
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza

1361
Rakan Mohammed Mousa al-‘Ir
Male 5
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1362
Feda’a Mohammed Mousa al-‘Ir
Female 18 Student
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza

1363
Mohammed Mousa Hassan al-‘Ir
Male 43 Worker
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ East of Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1364
Entesar Farid Suleiman al-Masri
Female 35 Housewife
Al-Masreyen Street/ Beit Hanoun/ Northern Gaza

1365
Nazira Mohammed Khaled Abu al-Kas
Female 61 Housewife
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1366
Khamis Nemer Abdul Latif Zughra
Male 22
Al-‘Atatra area/ Northern Gaza
Al-Karama area/ Northern Gaza

1367
Mohammed Abdul Hadi Mohammed Daher
Male 22 Policeman
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
Civil Administration Headquarters/ Northern Gaza

1368
Amjad Majed Subhi al-‘Attar
Male 23
Al-‘Atatra area/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1369
Iman Nemer Salman al-‘Ir
Female 27 Housewife
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ East of Jabalia/ Northern
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza

1370
Bassam ‘Azmi Mohammed al-Hattab
Male 25 Worker
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon

1371
Hakma Abdul Rahman Mustafa al-‘Attar
Female 78 Housewife
Al-‘Atatra area/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

1372
Angham Ra’afat Atalla al-Masri
Female 10 Student
Al-Masreyen Street/ Beit Hanoun/ Northern Gaza

1373
Mahdeya Suleiman Mohammed ‘Ayyad
Female 70 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza

1374
Salima Mesleh Subhi Sallam
Female 70 Jobless
Al-Karama Street/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Opposite to al-Ja’el Petrol Station/ al-Karama Street/ Northern Gaza

1375
Maher Abdul Azim Abu Rejeila
Male 24 Worker
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis

1376
Issa Mohammed ‘Eyada Ermeilat
Male 12 Student
Al-Shaboura Refugee Camp/ Rafah

1377
Abdul Rahman Ahmed Abed Rabbu al-‘Atawna
Male 16 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

1378
Anwar Salah Ibrahim Abu Tleikh
Male 21 Student
Al-Shuka Village/ Rafah
17-Jan-09
Al-Naser village/ Rafah

1379
Mohammed Naser Hashem al-Tatar
Male 22 Jobless
Al-‘Atatra area/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Al-Karama area/ Northern Gaza

1380
Na’im ‘Aref Eshteiwi
Male 49 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon

1381
Fayez Ahmed Mohammed Abu Warda
Male 30
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1382
Eyad Khamis Abed al-Banna
Male 21 Jobless
Al-Nazla area/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1383
Mahmoud Khader Abed Bahar
Male 21
‘Amer Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
16-Jan-09
Al-Karama Roundabout/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1384
Ibrahim Ahmed Abdullah ‘Elwan
Male 32 Jobless
Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1385
Ibrahim Saber Rabi’ Jneid
Male 21 Student
Saleh Dardona Street/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1386
Isma’il Abdul Rahim Rajab Suleiman
Male 20 Student
Al-Qasasib Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1387
Yousif Anwar Sha’aban Dakka
Male 21 Student
Near Abu ‘Ubeida Ibn al-Jarrah School/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1388
Rezeq Salim Hussein Abu al-Kas
Male 63 Jobless
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza

1389
Fatma ‘Awad Khalil Ghaben
Female 62 Housewife
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza

JANUARY 19 – MARCH 3, 2009

1390
Abdullah Naser Abdullah al-Sdoudi
Male 7 Student
Near the Ahli Club/ Nuseirat/ Middle Gaza
19-Jan-09 18-Jan-09

1391
Ala’a Addin Ashraf Khaled Abu al-Kumbuz
Male 24
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
19-Jan-09 27-Dec-08
Near Ansar roundabout/ Gaza
Militant

1392
Jamal ‘Ata Mohammed al-Habashi
Male 43
Employee Sheja’eya/ Gaza
19-Jan-09 15-Jan-09
Al-Sha’af

1393
Mahmoud Hussein Mohammed Matar
Male 27 Jobless
Al-Naser/ Gaza
20-Jan-09 18-Jan-09
Al-‘Amoudi area/ Northern Gaza

1394
‘Imad Abdullah Ahmed Mekdad
Male 20 Student
Nuseirat New Refugee Camp/ Middle Gaza
20-Jan-09 15-Jan-09
Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
Militant

1395
Khamis Nemer Abdul Latif Zughra
Male 22 Worker
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
20-Jan-09 17-Jan-09
Al-Twam area/ Northern Gaza
Militant

1396
Belal Subhi Mohammed Nabhan
Male 26
University student
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
21-Jan-09 17-Jan-09
Militant

1397
Tamer ‘Umar Isma’il al-Louh
Male 17 Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
21-Jan-09 12-Jan-09
Militant

1398
‘Eid ‘Eyada Salem Abu Rabi’
Male 59 Teacher
Al-Mughraqa village/
Middle Gaza
22-Jan-09 04-Jan-09

1399
Abdullah Mohammed Hamdan Abu al-Ruq
Male 17 Student
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis
23-Jan-09 11-Jan-09

1400
Mohammed Mahmoud Mohammed Jarbou’a
Male 21 Worker
Al-Shati Refugee Camp/ Gaza
25-Jan-09 17-Jan-09

1401
Nansy Sa’id Mohammed Waked
Female 6 mnths
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
25-Jan-09 18-Jan-09

1402
Mohammed Mahmoud Mohammed al-Bori’
Male 40 Policeman
Tal al-Za’atar/ Northern Gaza
26-Jan-09 27-Dec-08
Arafat Police City/ Gaza

1403
Mohammed Yahya Sa’id Baba
Male 11 Student
Near al-Ansar Mosque/ al-Barrawi area/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
26-Jan-09 10-Jan-09

1404
Sedqi Isma’il Mohammed Hammad
Male 26
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
27-Jan-09 04-Jan-09
Al-Katiba Mosque/ Gaza
Militant

1405
Fadi Tysir Mustafa Abdullah
Male 23 Student
Al-Nuzha Street/ Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza
28-Jan-09 14-Jan-09

1406
Sundus Sa’id Hassan Abu Sultan
Female 4
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
28-Jan-09 17-Jan-09
Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza

1407
Adham Khamis Mohammed Nasir
Male 35 Worker
Beit Hanoun/ Northern Gaza
29-Jan-09 04-Jan-09
Jabalia / Northern Gaza

1408
Mohammed Rajab Abdu al-‘Awadi
Male 17 Jobless
Al-Daraj/ Gaza
29-Jan-09 27-Dec-08
Al-‘Abbas Police Station/ Gaza

1409
Mohammed Fayez Sa’id al-Sawafiri
Male 35 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
01-Feb-09 14-Jan-09

1410
Methqal Jamal ‘Ata al-Radi’
Male 22 Employee
Al-Hatabeya Street/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
04-Feb-09 17-Jan-09
Militant

1411
Nay Fayez Yousif Hassan
Female 28 Student
Al-Sa’ada apartment building/ Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
12-Feb-09 05-Jan-09

1412
Mahmoud Mohammed Abdul Rahman ‘Abed
Male 60
Deir al-Balah/ Middle Gaza
15-Feb-09 27-Dec-08

1413
Abdullah Tabil Sha’aban Eslim
Male 17 Student
Northern Rimal/ Gaza
24-Feb-09 15-Jan-09
Rimal

1414
Nihad Mohammed Fayyad Abu Kmeil
Male 29
Al-Mughraqa Village/ Middle Gaza
27-Feb-09 13-Jan-09

1415
Dima Sa’id Ahmed al-Zahal
Female 5
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
03-Mar-09 07-Jan-09

War on Islam brought home to Ft Hood

Posted on November 5, 2009 by Eric Verlo

Says President Obama of the Fort Hood shooting that claimed 12 US soldiers: “It is horrifying that they should come under fire at an Army base on American soil.” Where does Obama think we are killing our adversaries? On their home soil, actually the majority of them in their own homes, with their family members.

According to Army spokesmen at Ft Hood, the shooter has been identified as an Islamic-named man, Major Nidal Malik Hasan, himself now slain. Confusion persists among witnesses that there may have been several shooters, in part because the civilian police officer who shot the shooter was himself then killed.

How convenient the shooter bears a name that infers an al-Qaeda sleeper cell operative, and not a corn-fed PTSD case gone postal. Twelve soldiers lay dead, among them the killer. How do you know which it was. We have only the Army’s word, the Army which misreports, whether it’s fired a missile, whether it’s raped a village, or whether a whole truckload of female US soldiers has been blown to bits, but the Army believes it more prudent to tell the public about it one gal at a time. So why believe the Army?

I’m not going to suggest that Major Hasan’s body was kept on ice for just such an eventuality, but I do believe he is among the November 6 casualties of Ft Hood, and he may not be the triggerman at all. I believe the Army might have looked over the mess and decided that Hasan would make a far better villain than a good old Baptist jock. Who’s going to know the difference? This would certainly explain why witnesses and wounded cannot agree on who did the shooting.

His very Muslim name notwithstanding, the FBI is already telling the press that the Ft Hood killings were not terrorism. In an act of sheer Zionist defiance, NPR is second guessing that statement. They believe everything else they’re told, but when the government want to make sure that the public isn’t roused to acts of racist violence, NPR decides to be skeptical. In news reports tonight, they’re letting the audience decide for itself, if Major Hasan’s suicidal gunman mission wasn’t an act of terrorism.

No. 1 domestic terrorist Daniel McGowan

Posted on June 19, 2009 by Eric Verlo

The Huffington Post published a letter by ELF/ALF political prisoner Daniel McGowan, who is allowed to send one letter per week from CMU36, the controversial “Communication Management Unit” whose cover-name is USP Marion. According to McGowan, prison guards call it the “I Unit,” which probably does not stand for illegal.

As of May 2009, I have been at USP Marion’s “Communication Management Unit,” or CMU, for roughly nine months and now is a good time to address the misconceptions (and the silence) regarding this unit. I want to offer a snapshot of my day-to-day life here as well as some analysis of what the existence of CMUs in the federal prison system implies. It is my hope that this article will partially fill the void of information that exists concerning the CMU, will help dispel rumors, and will inspire you to support those of us on the inside fighting the existence of these isolation units — in the courts and in the realm of public opinion.

It is best to start from the beginning — or at least where my story and the CMU meet. My transfer here is no different from that of many of the men here who were living at Federal Correctional Institutions (normal prisons) prior to the genesis of the CMUs. On May 12, 2008, on my way back from a decent lunch, I was told to report to “R&D” (receiving and discharge). I was given two boxes and half an hour to pack up my meager possessions. After complying I was placed in the SHU (secure housing unit or “hole”) and put on a bus the next day. There was no hearing and no information given to me or my attorneys — only after a day was I told I was on my way to Marion, Illinois’ CMU.

Hearing the term “CMU” made my knees buckle as it drummed up some memory I had of the infamous “control units” at Marion (closed in 1995 and replaced by Florence ADX: the lone Federal “Supermax” prison). Then it hit me. The lawyers, in challenging the application of the terrorist enhancement in my case, made the prescient argument that if I receive the enhancement, the Bureau of Prisons (BoP) would use that to place me in the CMU at FCI Terre Haute, Indiana (at the time just 5 months old). In fact, on the way to FCI Sandstone in August 2007, I not only saw the CMU but met one of its residents while in transit. Let me back up and offer a brief history of the Communication Management Units.

The CMU I reside in, at USP Marion, received its first prisoner in May 2008 and when I arrived, held about 17 men, the majority of whom were Muslim. Currently, the unit has 25, with a capacity of 52 cells. In April 2009, we received seven new people, all of whom were from the CMU at FCI Terre Haute. The unit is overwhelmingly Muslim with 18 men identifying as such. Most, but not all of the prison, have so-called terrorism cases. According to a BoP spokesperson, the unit “will not be limited to inmates convicted of terrorism-related cases through all of the prisoners fit that description.” Others have prison disciplinary violation or allegations related to communication and the misuse of telephones etc. Here, almost everyone has a terrorism related case — whether it is like my case (destruction of property characterized as “domestic terrorism”) or conspiracy and “providing material aid” cases.

Before the Marion CMU opened, there was the original CMU, opened in December 2006 at the former death row at FCI Terre Haute. According to early articles, the unit was intended for “second tier terrorism inmates, most of them Arab Muslims and a less restrictive version of the Supermax in Florence, Colorado.”

Additionally, BoP Director Harley Lappin, in a July 2008 hearing on the 2009 BoP budget request, said of the CMUs, “A lot of the more serious offenders, terrorists, were housed at ADX Florence. So, we are ramping up two communications management units that are less restrictive but will ensure that all mail and phone calls of the offenders are monitored on a daily basis.”

Terre Haute’s CMU has 36 men (27 of whom are Muslim) and is roughly comparable to Marion’s CMU. The rest of this place focuses on the latter, in which I have resided and of which I have seen firsthand.

You may be curious about just what a CMU actually is. From my correspondence, I can tell that many correspondents do not know much about what goes on here. I hope this can clear up any misperceptions. According to the BoP,

The CMU is [sic] established to house inmates who, due to their current offense of conviction, offense conduct or other verified information, require increased monitoring of communication between inmates and persons in the community in order to protect the safety, security, and orderly operations of Bureau facilities and protect the public…The CMU is a self-contained general population housing unit.

There are, of course, alternate views to the above definition including the belief that the CMUs are Muslim units, a political prisoner unit (similar to the HSU operated by the BoP in the 80’s, and a punishment unit.

The CMUs have an extremely high Muslim population; here at Marion, it is 65-75%. An overrepresentation of any one demographic in a prison raises constitutional issues of equal protection as well as safety issues. Nowhere in the BoP will you find any group represented in such extreme disproportion. To counter these claims, the BoP brought in a small number of non-Muslims to be used as proof that the units are not strictly Muslim (an interesting note is that some of the Muslim men here have cases unrelated to terrorism). Does the inclusion of six people that are non-Muslim really negate the claim of segregation though? What are the criteria for determining who comes to the CMU? The BoP claims there are 211 international terrorists (and 1000 domestic terrorists) in their system. Yet, the CMUs have no more than 60 men at the present time. Where are the rest of these people? How does the BOP determine who of those 1200 are sent to a CMU and who to normal prisons? These are questions that need to be asked — in court and in the media.

Many of the men here (both Muslim and non) are considered political prisoners in their respective movements and have been engaged in social justice, religious organizations, charities and humanitarian efforts. Another conception of the CMU is that it is a location designed to isolate us from our movements and to act as a deterrent for others from those movements (as in “step outside the line and you too will end up there”). The intended effect of long-term housing of this kind is a profound sense of dislocation and alienation. With your mail, email, phones, and visits monitored and no human touch allowed at the visits, it is difficult to feel a connection to “the streets.” There is historical evidence of the BoP utilizing political prisons — despite the fact that the Department of Justice refuses to acknowledge the concept of political prisoners in US prisons, choosing to call us “criminal” instead.

The Lexington High Security Unit (HSU) was one such example. Having opened its 16-bed facilities in 1988 and housing a number of female political prisoners, the HSU functioned as an isolation unit — underground, bathed in fluorescence, and limited interaction with staff. In the opinion of Dr. Richard Korn, speaking on behalf of the American Civil Liberties Union, the unit’s goal was “…to reduce prisoners to a state of submission essential for their ideological conversion. That failing, the next objective is to reduce them as efficient, self-directing antagonists. That failing, the only alternative is to destroy them by making them destroy themselves.”

After an arduous campaign by human rights advocates and supporters, the BoP capitulated, stating it would close its facility (when it did not, it was sued). The judge ruled that the plaintiffs were illegally designated based on their past political affiliations, statements and political beliefs. The unit was closed and the women were transferred to other prisons.

The correlations between the HSU and CMU are many and seem to have some of the same goals as well as methods used to designate us here. Knowing they are dealing with people committed to ideals and the movements they are a part of, we were placed here in order to weaken those connections and harm our relationships. An example is the horrendous strain that the CMU puts on our familial relations — especially our marriages. It was certainly considered by the architects of the CMU that preventing visits that allow human touch for long-term prisoners would have a disastrous impact on our relationships and would lead to weaker inmates.

Finally, the CMU can be viewed as “the stick” — a punitive unit for those who don’t play ball or who continue to express political beliefs anathema to the BoP or the US government. Although I am not aware of the BoP’s criteria for sending people here (due to their refusal to release specific CMU information), it is curious who is and who is not here. Out of roughly 18 codefendants in my criminal case, I am the only one at a CMU (the remainder of them are at low and medium security prisons). The same goes for a member of the SHAC7 campaign, Andrew Stepanian, one of 6 defendants in his case who was sent here for the last 6 months of his sentence. Other men here have codefendants at the Terre Haute CMU while others have codefendants at normal federal prisons. Despite numerous Freedom of Information Requests, the BoP refuses to grant the documents that specify the rules governing transfer to the CMU. Remember, hardly any of the men here have received any disciplinary violations and some have been in general population over 15 years! How can someone be okay in general population for that long and then one day be seen as a communication threat?

So, I have hypothesized about the goals of the CMU. Let me discuss the many problems and injustices associated with the existence of the CMUs.

Due process
More appropriately, a lack thereof. A term I never thought much about before my imprisonment, due process is:

…the conduct of legal proceedings according to established rules and principles for the protection and enforcement of private rights, including notice and the right to hearing before a tribunal [my emphasis] with the power to decide the case.

I was moved from FCI Sandstone, against my will and at a moment’s notice, with no hearing and thus no chance to contest the reason for my transfer. A FOIA request recently received states I was redesignated May 6th, my transfer was signed the next day and I was moved on May 13th with the reason given as “program participation”. Since I got here, I have not had a hearing to contest the claims made in the “Notice to Inmate of Transfer to CMU, ” some of which were woefully inaccurate. Instead, I was told I can utilize the administrative remedy process (which I have done to no avail) and request a transfer after 18 months of “clear conduct”.

The irony is that all prisoners who violate prison rules are subject to a series of disciplinary hearings in which they could offer their defense. For legal units such as Florence ADX (Supermax) or the control unit program, there exists a codified set of rules and hearings for transfer to these locations. The BoP has deliberately ignored this process and has instead transferred us to this special, brand-new CMU without due process. My notice of transfer was given to me 12 days after I arrived!

Similar to the callous disregard for due process (and the US Constitution), there is no “step down” process for the CMU. Unlike the ones that exist at Florence ADX, control units or even the gang units, the CMU has no stages, no requisite amount of time we are to spend here before being sent back to a normal prison.

Because these preceding programs are specifically for prison misbehavior, there is a logical and orderly way to finish the program and eventually transfer. For us, the BoP has set up a paradox — if we are here for our offense conduct, which we cannot ever change, how can we reasonably leave the unit? In its “Admissions and Orientation” guide for Marion’s CMU, here is what they say:

Every new commitment to the CMU will be evaluated by his unit team regarding his suitability for incarceration in this institution. If, for some reason, the inmate is deemed not acceptable for confinement in this unit, he will be processed as expeditiously as possible…

[I am still roughly 10 months from my 18-month period in which I must wait before requesting a transfer. Considering the fact that all my remedies have been denied, I am not hopeful about this.]

CMU as Secret
In addition to the due process and transfer issues, there is the secretive and illegal manner that the CMU was created (Note: for historical perspectives, it needs to be stated that the CMU was established roughly halfway through the second term of George W. Bush and his Attorney General Alberto Gonzales.)

In April 2006, the BoP proposed a “Limited Communication for Terrorist Inmates” policy, which suggested new restrictions for “terrorists” and “terrorism related inmates” such as:

1) One 6-page letter per week.

2) One 15-minute phone call a month.

3) One 1-hour visit a month.

A coalition of civil rights organizations signed a letter of protest criticizing the proposed rules and raising numerous constitutional, practical and ethical objectives. The outcry appears to have caused the BoP to reconsider it and just 6 months later, open the CMU at FCI Terre Haute quietly. Since the BoP never sought public comment on the new CMU, it certainly appears to be a violation of the Administrative Procedural Act (APA), an argument a federal judge in Miami raised in response to a prisoner’s legal challenge to transfer to the CMU.

The unit is functionally an open secret. While the BoP circumvented the standard public comment (and feedback process), it has sought to get around this by describing the CMU as a “self-contained general population unit,” implying that the unit is legally and penally no different than a normal unit at an FCI. There is no mention of the CMU on the BoP’s website (ww.bop.gov) or USP Marion’s subpage on the same site. You will not find extensive Congressional hearings on the subject — other than a July 2008 subcommittee hearing in which it appears that the BoP director was not fully forthcoming on the CMU36. Letters here are stamped “USP Marion,” not CMU, and the unit is called “I Unit” by staff. (An interesting anecdote: while on transit in Winter 2009, I met men from the FCI here and asked them what they knew about I Unit. Without hesitation, they said, “That’s where the terrorists are.” They informed me this is what BoP Staff routinely told them.)

Media queries are met with silence or vague information. Requests by the media to interview me by coming to Marion have been denied — due to it “being detrimental to the safety, security and good order of the institution.” There still is no Program Statement on the CMU — a legal requirement, outlining the specific rules of the CMU and its designation criteria.

Because of this, and the general refusal of the BoP to hand over relevant documents through FOIA, it is impossible to determine the specific reasons why one is sent here — and thus, how to contest this process. In effect, the CMU was created on the fly, with no eye toward legality; they are free to operate it in whatever manner they choose.

Communication Management (The Promotion of Isolation and Alienation)
The most painful aspect of this unit, to me, is how the CMU restricts my contact with the world beyond these walls. It is difficult for those who have not known prison to understand what a lifeline contact with our family and friends is to us. It is our link to the world — and our future (for those of us who are fortunate enough to have release dates). Prison authorities and architects are well aware that those with strong family ties and in good communication with their loved ones are well behaved and have significantly lower rates of recidivism. The BoP, in theory, recognizes this by claiming they try to situate us within 500 miles of our homes. Mostly, this is a cruel farce for many prisoners — I have not been within 1000 miles of my family in 2 years.

The most Orwellian aspects of the CMU are in how they manage our communications:

A) Telephones- at my previous prison, I was able to use the phones for 300 minutes a month — days, nights, weekends and holidays — basically at any point I was not in my housing unit (6am-10pm). Here, we receive one 15-minute phone call a week. The call can only take place between 8am and 2:30pm, never on weekends or holidays and must be scheduled one and a half weeks in advance (we can choose a back-up number to call but if neither picks up, we don’t get a call). The call is live-monitored and recorded. Not only do we receive one fifth of the minutes granted to other federal prisoners but the call is also very trying for our families — all of whom have day jobs and many of whom have children in school. The CMU requires calls be made in English only — a difficult demand considering over half of the men here speak English as a second language (this restriction is not present at other federal prisons).

B) Visits- At FCI Sandstone, I received up to eight visiting days a month (56 hours) — contact visits in which I could embrace my wife, play cards with my nieces and share vending machine food with my visitors. These visits were my lifeline. I got about twelve of them in eight months and it aided in my adjustment to prison.

The CMU restricts our visits to one four-hour non-contract visit a month. One short visit through two inches of plate glass with cameras hanging overhead and my visitors stuffed in a four-and-a-half by three-and-a-half-foot stuffy booth — a tight squeeze for two. The visits can only take place on weekdays from 8am-2pm — no more Christmas or Thanksgiving visits — and worse, no physical contact (Consider what it would be like to have no contact with your loved ones. What if you couldn’t hug or kiss your lover, partner, wife, husband? What would that do to you?) I find myself riddled with guilt when I ask friends to spend $500 to fly across the country, drive three hours (and repeat) for a four-hour non-contact visit. I’m lucky though, having people who will do this. Many of the men here can’t afford it or don’t want to subject their children to this reality.

C) Mail- We can only send out mail once a day and we cannot visit the mail room to send out packages. We are one-hundred-percent reliant on the one staff person who deals with our mail to do so and sending a box home is a laborious procedure. We must leave our envelopes unsealed so that staff can read, copy, scan and send to whatever other agency studies our correspondence. A letter to NYC takes roughly seven to nine days (which should take five). Letters sent abroad, especially those not written in English, could take a month or more — a common complaint of some of my fellow prisoners.

Staff here has an interesting reading of the rules governing legal mail leading to the charge that they open our legal mail (this is the subject of an administrative remedy I filed with the BoP Central Office in Washington DC). The rule states that the lawyer’s name must be clearly identified and that the envelope must say “Special Mail- Open only in the presence of inmates” and yet staff has opened my legal mail that said “Law Offices of Jane Doe” stating that it should have said, “Jane Doe, Attorney at Law”! The staff looks for any reason to disqualify our legal mail as protected and gather intelligence this way. In doing so, they violate the sanctity of the attorney-client confidentiality principle.

Most of my violations have been petty — a package has more than twenty pieces of paper or a friend kindly enclosed stamps. A few instances though amount to censorship and a limiting of political expression and dialogue. See Appendix B for a detailed discussion of these instances.

D) Media Contact- Although requests have been made to interview people in the CMU, none have been granted to date. This is a violation of the spirit of the BoP’s own media policy. There is an imperative on the Bureau’s part to control and ultimately suppress information on the CMU from making it to a mass audience.

Daily Life at the CMU
Neither one of the two CMUs were built for long-term habitation. The Marion CMU was the site of the Secure Housing Unit (SHU), the USP that closed here in 2005. Terre Haute’s CMU is in “D-wing” — the site of the former federal death row.

The CMU was seemingly converted to its current use with the addition of televisions, steel tables, and new wiring and yet it is not suitable for long-term use due to its “open cell” design (i.e. with bars). With 25 prisoners, our movements are restricted to two housing ranges (hallways about 100 by 12 feet); a recreation range where we also eat (consisting of seven cells with a computer, typewriter, barber shop, religious library, social library, art room and recreational equipment); and a small rec yard (all concrete, a lap equals one-eighteenth of a mile, four cages with two basketball hoops, one handball court, a weather awning with tables and some sit-up benches). We are lucky to be visited daily by a resident bird population of doves and blackbirds, and overhead, the occasional hawk or falcon (ironically, as I write this, I overhear warnings from staff that if we continue to feed the birds, we will receive violations). The appearance of the yard with its cages, concrete, and excessive barbed wire has earned it nickname “Little Guantanamo” (of course a punitive unit with seventy-five percent Muslims also contributes to the name as well).

The conditions here are not dire — in fact, the horror stories I have heard over the last two years have convinced me it is far worse at many prisons and yet, I believe it is important to be descriptive and accurate — to dispel fears (about violence, for instance) but also to demonstrate just how different life is for us at the CMU.

There are many things we lack here that other prisons in the federal system have to offer:

1- A residential drug/alcohol program- despite at least one person here having completion of it ordered by the court.

2- Enough jobs for the prisoners here- There is not nearly enough jobs for all the men here and most are extremely low paying.

3- UNICOR- This is Federal Prison Industries which has shops at many federal prisons (including this one outside the CMU). These jobs pay much more, allow men to pay their court fees, restitution and child support and, as the BoP brags, teaches people job skills.

4- Adequate educational opportunities- Until recently, we did not have GED or vocational programs. Due to inmate pressure and persistence, we now have both of those as well as a few prisoner-taught classes but no college courses at all.

5- Access to staff on a daily basis- At other federal prisons, you are able to approach staff members at lunch every day, including the Warden. Here, we get (at most) two quick walk-throughs a week, usually taking place early in the morning. You are often left waiting days to resolve a simple question.

6- Law library access- We have a very small law library here with only twenty-five percent of the books required by law. We can only request books twice weekly and those are only delivered if the other nine hundred prisoners at the adjacent Medium are not using them. We lack Federal Court and Supreme Court reports as well as books on Immigration Law (fifty percent or more of the men here face deportation). This lack of access makes for an arduous and ineffective research path.

7- Computers- We have four computers for our email system (two for reading, one for printing and one that we were told would be for legal but it still isn’t working). Unlike my previous prison, where we had forty computers with a robust computer-class program, or like other prisons that teach a vocational computer course, we have no such thing.

8- Access to general population- Being in an isolation unit makes for a situation in which we cannot have organized sports leagues and tournaments due to not having enough people at all. This may not seem crucial but sports are a very useful diversion from the stress of prison life and separation.

After reading the preceding sections, perhaps like me you are wondering what really is the purpose of the CMU. In short, the SMU is Florence ADX-LITE for those men whose security points are low and present no real problems to staff. From my interactions with the men here, I can say with certainty, that people here are remarkably well-behaved and calm — many without any disciplinary violations. If these men, like myself, don’t get in trouble, and have been in the system for some time, why are we here? Consider my case.

My short time in prison prior to coming to the CMU consisted of two months at MDC Brooklyn and eight months at FCI Sandstone. I had never gotten in trouble and spent my days as a clerk in psychology, working toward a Master’s degree, reading, writing and exercising. My goal was to get closer to home and my loved ones. In April 2008, I filed a “hardship transfer” request due to my mother’s illness and her inability to travel to Minnesota to visit me. I had my team meeting, and my security points were lowered. Weeks later, I was moved to the CMU.

The irony is that I was moved to the CMU to have my communication managed, but what changed in that one year to justify this move? If I was a danger, then why did the BoP house me in a low-security prison? The same applies to many of the men here– some have been in general population for twenty years and then suddenly a need to manage their communication is conjured up. During my pre-CMU time, I had used 3500 phone minutes and sent hundreds of letters. If there was a problem with my communication, shouldn’t the BoP have raised this with me? My notice stating their rationale for placing me here attributed it to me “being a member and leader in the ELF and ALF” and “communicating in code.” But if this is true, then shouldn’t I have been sent to the CMU as soon as I self-reported to prison in July 2007?

The CMUs were crafted and opened under the Bush administration as some misguided attempt to be tough on the “war on terror.” This unit contains many prisoners from cases prosecuted during the hyper-paranoid and over-the-top period after 9/11 and the passage of the USA Patriot Act.44 The number of prosecutions categorized as terrorism-related more than doubled to reach 1,200 in 2002. It seemed that every other week, there was some plot uncovered by overzealous FBI agents — in Lackawanna, NY, Miami, FL, Portland, OR, and Virginia and elsewhere (never mind the illegal wiretaps and unscrupulous people used in these cases). These cases may not be headlines anymore but these men did not go away — they were sent to prison and, when it was politically advantageous for Bush, transferred to the CMUs. The non-Muslim populations of these units (although definitely picked judiciously) were sent there to dispel charges that the CMUs were exclusively Muslim units.

The codified rationale for all prisoners being transferred here are “contact with persons in community require heightened control and reviews” and “your transfer to this facility for greater communication management is necessary to the safe, secure, and orderly function of Bureau institutions…” Should an increase in monitoring of communication mean a decrease in privileges? If the goal is to manage our contact with the outside world, shouldn’t the BoP hire enough staff so that we can maintain the same rights and privileges as other prisoners (since the party line is that we are not here for punishment)? The reality is the conditions, segregation, lack of due process and such are punishment regardless of whether the BoP admits it or not.

Forward!
Where to from here, then? Does the new President and his Attorney General take issue with segregation? Will Obama view the CMU, as he did with Guantanamo Bay, as a horrible legacy of his predecessor and close it? Many people are hopeful for an outcome like that. On April 7th, 2009, Mr. Obama, while in Turkey, said, “The United States will not make war on Islam,” and that he wanted to “extend the hand of friendship to the Muslim world.” While that sounds wonderful, what does that look like in concrete terms? Will he actualize that opinion by closing the CMU? Or will he marry the policy of Bush and condone a secret illegal set of political units for Muslims and activists? What of the men here? Will he transfer us back to normal prisons and review the outrageous prosecutions of many of the CMU detainees? If it can be done with (former) Senator Ted Steven’s case, it can be done here.

While lawsuits have been filed in both Illinois and Indiana federal courts, what is needed urgently is for these units to be dragged out into the open. I am asking for your help and advocacy in dealing with this injustice and the mindset that allows a CMU to exist. Please pursue the resource section at the end of this article and consider doing something. I apologize for the length of this piece — it was suggested to me (by people way smarter than myself) that it would be best to start from the beginning and offer as many details as possible. I hope I gave you a clearer idea of what’s going on here. Thank you for all your support and love — your letters are a bright candle in a sea of darkness.

Artist Stephen Morath eyes Second Base

Posted on April 17, 2009 by Eric Verlo

The painting drew our eyes as we ate in the Eastside Del Taco. Among many gaily colored prints by the same artist was this pop-ish depiction of what could only be the Spanish Peaks. Southwest-scapes are ubiquitous enough to seem completely generic, and Pikes Peak belongs to America the Beautiful, but the Wahatoya are our private purple majesties. Did a stranger conjure these breast-peaks to pair with another iconic fixation, the red pickup truck, or was this uncharacteristic fast-food outlet choosing to showcase a local talent? Neither.

The prints were signed “S. Morath” and sure enough, that’s Steve Morath of Manitou Springs, regular regional Opera chorus member, church music director, and beyond-the-scene fine-artist. He doesn’t exhibit locally, but the mild-mannered Morath doubles as an artist of national distinction. He’s represented by the Leslie Levy Fine Art Gallery in Phoenix, Arizona, and every internet art poster purveyor. There are even online sources for digital downloads if you want to do the reproduction yourself.

If you did not know that the Spanish Peaks of the Sangre de Cristos are called by the Native Americans the Wahatoya, or “Breasts of the Earth,” then my post title may have seemed cryptic. Otherwise, obviously Stephen Morath’s little red truck is going much further. If the connection was obvious, touching a girl’s breasts is getting to “Second Base,” I would have titled this Morath Has Eyes on Home.

Only a classic car buff is looking at the ’48 Ford/Chevy, and your eyes don’t linger long on R. Crumb’s Madonna Nature’s pointy brassiere. The focal point of this composition is the little curve in the road, lying at the intersection of the male and female.

I’ll embarrass myself further to reassure you that I am not lost in the anatomy of this topography, as I was oversimplifying again. The most sensuous curve of a reclining nude is the navel. That’s the apex of this scene, of course. Morath’s little red figure is perched, bending forward with comic virility, deja on the mons veneris, to be perfectly clinical.

Whether the equally soft-curved shiny hard-body is parked, idling, or teetering serendipitously onward, I believe Morath has captured the charm of physical romance with the lights on. His is a loving tribute to the fertile feminine, and a whimsical suggestion of the masculine, as an itinerant, man-made, self-armored, commuter-adventurer feeling his way into the gentle valleys of the she.

It may not be exactly the reason Del Taco chose to hang the piece, but I think a number of Morath’s paintings are similarly sexualized. Or not. I say that because it doesn’t matter really. They’re beautiful and they tell social stories, whichever way you chose to take them, with bold electric color.

And while I’m on a subject about which I know demonstrably little, I’ll say a brief something about Del Taco: the cleanest, brightest fast food restaurant I would ever recommend. The key to their ne-plus-ultra fish tacos may be the lime, or it may be that the fish is lightly deep fried. I hope you try it despite the fact that I will confess the predominant delight is their crisp raw cabbage. Marie and I now plan our eastward treks contingent upon a lunch break at Del Taco. But let’s applaud their patronage of the arts. I don’t know if Del Taco fare is Tex-Mex, or Cali-Mex, but the decor of their eateries in these parts is Old-Mex.

Evidently I predict that as a poster, Autumn by the Spanish Peaks will only grow in popularity. It may turn out that Morath will have defined Las Cumbres Espanolas in the lexicography of American pop images. How many mountains do non-MST-zone dwellers know by name, even by sight? And now with sensual affection?

US media takes shoe, makes lemonade

Posted on December 17, 2008 by Eric Verlo

Muntadha al-Zaidi’s shoe may have missed George Bush, but it left a figurative black eye on the warrior emperor,
and, a literal shiner on White House spokes- gidget Dana Perino. She was hit by a microphone as secret service agents rushed to protect the president. Which could not have worked out better for the US media.

If the injured staffer had been a man, do you imagine the news photos of facial bruises would be so intimate? While the world media is focused on demonstrations to urge the release of al-Zaidi, the US media is zooming in close on Perino’s black eye. I’m thinking, you don’t have to be a wife-beater to admit to the provocative element in these pictures of a battered blond, about as tall as a child, female.

You need quite a distraction from the embarrassing imagery of world citizenry eager to kick Bush in the ass as he leaves office.

Perino was already familiar with USO Playboy Bunny cheesecake.

Does NPR have a hiring impediment?

Posted on December 5, 2008 by Eric Verlo

NATIONAL PUBLIC RADIO- I can laugh at speech impediments with the best of them. But I’m less comfortable if there’s no laugh track. Specifically, when it’s a speech-challenged news reporter, I utterly object to being made to decipher from mispronunciation. On the radio, poor diction is as unacceptable as inaudible recording, and disabled- enunciation is as appropriate as a paraplegic delivering your piano. Take NPR’s Louisa Lim.

Give someone a job they can handle, but don’t celebrate equal opportunity without consideration for the task required.

Louisa Lim can’t pronounce her Rs. Might not someone have thought to counsel Lim fwom puhsuing a caweeuh on the wadio? Dropped Rs represent an alphabet 1/26th deficient. More, if you adjust inversely by Scrabble point value.

Monte Python’s Pontius Pilate of Life of Brian was mocked by the chorus for not being able to say his R’s. And yes, his Roman audience found the hilarity unending. It’s why he was urged to release Bawabas and not Jesus. Gilda Radner similarly mocked Barbara Walters. Mispwonouncing her Rs didn’t keep Bahbwa Wahwah from a lengthy career, but that’s the point I’m coming to.

If speech impediments were congenital, it would still be no reason to exhibit them center-stage like cultural accents.

Aren’t most speaking disorders remedied in the primary grades, given extra attention from speech therapists? Why do the exceptions seem to become Communications Majors? It’s as if students who have reason to work on their locution, end up becoming the professionals.

But choirs don’t tolerate tone-deafness, why would broadcasters burden themselves with mis-speakers?

Louisa Lim can’t say R, but she’s only one of a majority of female voices on NPR hobbled by flawed presentation. Don’t you find that strange? Considering that Amy Goodman’s delivery is criticized for being shrill. It’s as if NPR thinks strong feminine voices would come across as too authoritative, unless a physical weakness is empirically discernible. Would this explain why most the female voices on NPR are nasal, or supported by the weakest lung capacity? Their tiny voices sound like they could extinguish themselves without the next breath. Audiences like it too obviously.

Accents too, foreign and domestic, work to temper the projection of authority. Male presenters traditionally have sported commanding voices. Today, those who don’t moderate for sporting events most often have voices in the higher registers, or modulate their voices with rises in pitch which communicates timidity.

Weathermen for a Democratic Society

Posted on November 23, 2008 by NMT

In 1969, the Radical Youth Movement (RYM) within Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) expelled the passive participants to reconfigure the SDS to Bring the War Home. At left, Bernardine Dohrn uninvites the Progressive Labor Party (PL) and the Worker Student Alliance (WSA) from the Chicago conference. Below is the founding document after which the RYM was renamed.

You Don’t Need A Weatherman
To Know Which Way The Wind Blows
June 18, 1969

Submitted by Karin Asbley, Bill Ayers, Bernardine Dohrn, John Jacobs, Jeff Jones, Gerry Long, Home Machtinger, Jim Mellen, Terry Robbins, Mark Rudd and Steve Tappis.

I. International Revolution

The contradiction between the revolutionary peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America and the imperialists headed by the United States is the principal contradiction in the contemporary world. The development of this contradiction is promoting the struggle of the people of the whole world against US imperialism and its lackeys.

Lin Piao, Long Live the Victory of People’s War!

People ask, what is the nature of the revolution that we talk about- Who will it be made by, and for, and what are its goals and strategy-

The overriding consideration in answering these questions is that the main struggle going on in the world today is between US imperialism and the national liberation struggles against it. This is essential in defining political matters in the whole world: because it is by far the most powerful, every other empire and petty dictator is in the long run dependent on US imperialism, which has unified, allied with, and defended all of the reactionary forces of the whole world. Thus, in considering every other force or phenomenon, from Soviet imperialism or Israeli imperialism to “workers struggle” in France or Czechoslovakia, we determine who are our friends and who are our enemies according to whether they help US imperialism or fight to defeat it.

So the very first question people in this country must ask in considering the question of revolution is where they stand in relation to the United States as an oppressor nation, and where they stand in relation to the masses of people throughout the world whom US imperialism is oppressing.

The primary task of revolutionary struggle is to solve this principal contradiction on the side of the people of the world. It is the oppressed peoples of the world who have created the wealth of this empire and it is to them that it belongs; the goal of the revolutionary struggle must be the control and use of this wealth in the interests of the oppressed peoples of the world.

It is in this context that we must examine the revolutionary struggles in the United States. We are within the heartland of a worldwide monster, a country so rich from its worldwide plunder that even the crumbs doled out to the enslaved masses within its borders provide for material existence very much above the conditions of the masses of people of the world. The US empire, as a worldwide system, channels wealth, based upon the labor and resources of the rest of the world, into the United States. The relative affluence existing in the United States is directly dependent upon the labor and natural resources of the Vietnamese, the Angolans, the Bolivians and the rest of the peoples of the Third World. All of the United Airlines Astrojets, all of the Holiday Inns, all of Hertz’s automobiles, your television set, car and wardrobe already belong, to a large degree to the people of the rest of the world.

Therefore, any conception of “socialist revolution” simply in terms of the working people of the United States, failing to recognize the full scope of interests of the most oppressed peoples of the world, is a conception of a fight for a particular privileged interest, and is a very dangerous ideology. While the control and use of the wealth of the Empire for the people of the whole world is also in the interests of the vast majority of the people in this country, if the goal is not clear from the start we will further the preservation of class society, oppression, war, genocide, and the complete emiseration of everyone, including the people of the US.

The goal is the destruction of US imperialism and the achievement of a classless world: world communism. Winning state power in the US will occur as a result of the military forces of the US overextending themselves around the world and being defeated piecemeal; struggle within the US will be a vital part of this process, but when the revolution triumphs in the US it will have been made by the people of the whole world. For socialism to be defined in national terms within so extreme and historical an oppressor nation as this is only imperialist national chauvinism on the part of the “movement.”

II. What Is The Black Colony-

Not every colony of people oppressed by imperialism lies outside the boundaries of the US. Black people within North America, brought here 400 years ago as slaves and whose labor, as slaves, built this country, are an internal colony within the confines of the oppressor nation. What this means is that black people are oppressed as a whole people, in the institutions and social relations of the country, apart from simply the consideration of their class position, income, skill, etc., as individuals- What does this colony look like- What is the basis for its common oppression and why is it important-

One historically important position has been that the black colony only consists of the black belt nation in the South, whose fight for national liberation is based on a common land, culture, history and economic life. The corollary of this position is that black people in the rest of the country are a national minority but not actually part of the colony themselves; so the struggle for national liberation is for the black belt, and not all blacks; black people in the north, not actually part of the colony, are part of the working class of the white oppressor nation. In this formulation northern black workers have a “dual role”—one an interest in supporting the struggle in the South, and opposing racism, as members of the national minority; and as northern “white nation” workers whose class interest is in integrated socialism in the north. The consistent version of this line actually calls for integrated organizing of black and white workers in the north along what it calls “class” lines.

This position is wrong; in reality, the black colony does not exist simply as the “black belt nation,” but exists in the country as a whole. The common oppression of black people and the common culture growing out of that history are not based historically or currently on their relation to the territory of the black belt, even though that has been a place of population concentration and has some very different characteristics than the north, particularly around the land question.

Rather, the common features of oppression, history and culture which unify black people as a colony (although originating historically in a common territory apart from the colonizers, i.e., Africa, not the South) have been based historically on their common position as slaves, which since the nominal abolition of slavery has taken the form of caste oppression, and oppression of black people as a people everywhere that they exist. A new black nation, different from the nations of Africa from which it came, has been forged by the common historical experience of importation and slavery and caste oppression; to claim that to be a nation it must of necessity now be based on a common national territory apart from the colonizing nation is a mechanical application of criteria which were and are applicable to different situations.

What is specifically meant by the term caste is that all black people, on the basis of their common slave history, common culture and skin color are systematically denied access to particular job categories (or positions within job categories), social position, etc., regardless of individual skills, talents, money or education. Within the working class, they are the most oppressed section; in the petit bourgeoisie, they are even more strictly confined to the lowest levels. Token exceptions aside, the specific content of this caste oppression is to maintain black people in the most exploitative and oppressive jobs and conditions. Therefore, since the lowest class is the working class, the black caste is almost entirely a caste of the working class, or [holds] positions as oppressed as the lower working-class positions (poor black petit bourgeoisie and farmers); it is a colonial labor caste,, a colony whose common national character itself is defined by their common class position.

Thus, northern blacks do not have a “dual interest”—as blacks on the one hand and “US-nation workers” on the other. They have a single class interest, along with all other black people in the US, as members of the Black Proletarian Colony.

III. The Struggle For Socialist Self-Determination

The struggle of black people—as a colony—is for self-determination, freedom, and liberation from US imperialism. Because blacks have been oppressed and held in an inferior social position as a people, they have a right to decide, organize and act on their common destiny as a people apart from white interference. Black self-determination does not simply apply to determination of their collective political destiny at some future time. It is directly tied to the fact that because all blacks experience oppression in a form that no whites do, no whites are in a position to fully understand and test from their own practice the real situation black people face and the necessary response to it. This is why it is necessary for black people to organize separately and determine their actions separately at each stage of the struggle.

It is important to understand the implications of this. It is not legitimate for whites to organizationally intervene in differences among revolutionary black nationalists. It would be arrogant for us to attack any black organization that defends black people and opposes imperialism in practice. But it is necessary to develop a correct understanding of the Black Liberation struggle within our own organization, where an incorrect one will further racist practice in our relations with the black movement.

In the history of some external colonies, such as China and Vietnam, the struggle for self-determination has had two stages: (1) a united front against imperialism and for New Democracy (which is a joint dictatorship of anti-colonial classes led by the proletariat, the content of which is a compromise between the interests of the proletariat and nationalist peasants, petit bourgeoisie and national bourgeoisie); and (2) developing out of the new democratic stage, socialism.

However, the black liberation struggle in this country will have only one “stage”; the struggle for self-determination will embody within it the struggle for socialism.

As Huey P. Newton has said, “In order to be a revolutionary nationalist, you would of necessity have to be a socialist.” This is because—given the caste quality of oppression-as-a-people-through-a-common-degree-of-exploitation—self-determination requires being free from white capitalist exploitation in the form of inferior (lower caste) jobs, housing, schools, hospitals, prices. In addition, only what was or became in practice a socialist program for self-determination—one which addressed itself to reversing this exploitation—could win the necessary active mass support in the “proletarian colony.”

The program of a united front for new democracy, on the other hand, would not be as thorough, and so would not win as active and determined support from the black masses. The only reason for having such a front would be where the independent petit bourgeois forces which it would bring in would add enough strength to balance the weakening of proletarian backing. This is not the case: first, because much of the black petit bourgeoisie is actually a “comprador” petit bourgeoisie (like so-called black capitalists who are promoted by the power structure to seem independent but are really agents of white monopoly capital), who would never fight as a class for any real self-determination; and secondly, because many black petit bourgeoisie, perhaps most, while not having a class interest in socialist self-determination, are close enough to the black masses in the oppression and limitations on their conditions that they will support many kinds of self-determination issues, and, especially when the movement is winning, can be won to support full (socialist) self-determination. For the black movement to work to maximize this support from the petit bourgeoisie is correct; but it is in no way a united front where it is clear that the Black Liberation Movement should not and does not modify the revolutionary socialist content of its stand to win that support.

From /New Left Notes/, June 18, 1969

IV. Black Liberation Means Revolution

What is the relationship of the struggle for black self-determination to the whole worldwide revolution to defeat US imperialism and internationalize its resources toward the goal of creating a classless world-

No black self-determination could be won which would not result in a victory for the international revolution as a whole. The black proletarian colony, being dispersed as such a large and exploited section of the work force, is essential to the survival of imperialism. Thus, even if the black liberation movement chose to try to attain self-determination in the form of a separate country (a legitimate part of the right to self-determination), existing side by side with the US, imperialism could not survive if they won it—and so would never give up without being defeated. Thus, a revolutionary nationalist movement could not win without destroying the state power of the imperialists; and it is for this reason that the black liberation movement, as a revolutionary nationalist movement for self-determination, is automatically in and of itself an inseparable part of the whole revolutionary struggle against US imperialism and for international socialism.

However, the fact that black liberation depends on winning the whole revolution does not mean that it depends on waiting for and joining with a mass white movement to do it. The genocidal oppression of black people must be ended, and does not allow any leisure time to wait; if necessary, black people could win self-determination, abolishing the whole imperialist system and seizing state power to do it, without this white movement, although the cost among whites and blacks both would be high.

Blacks could do it alone if necessary because of their centralness to the system, economically and geo-militarily, and because of the level of unity, commitment, and initiative which will be developed in waging a people’s war for survival and national liberation. However, we do not expect that they will have to do it alone, not only because of the international situation, but also because the real interests of masses of oppressed whites in this country lie with the Black Liberation struggle, and the conditions for understanding and fighting for these interests grow with the deepening of the crises. Already, the black liberation movement has carried with it an upsurge of revolutionary consciousness among white youth; and while there are no guarantees, we can expect that this will extend and deepen among all oppressed whites.

To put aside the possibility of blacks winning alone leads to the racist position that blacks should wait for whites and are dependent on whites acting for them to win. Yet the possibility of blacks winning alone cannot in the least be a justification for whites failing to shoulder the burden of developing a revolutionary movement among whites. If the first error is racism by holding back black liberation, this would be equally racist by leaving blacks isolated to take on the whole fight—and the whole cost—for everyone.

It is necessary to defeat both racist tendencies: (1) that blacks shouldn’t go ahead with making the revolution, and (2) that blacks should go ahead alone with making it. The only third path is to build a white movement which will support the blacks in moving as fast as they have to and are able to, and still itself keep up with that black movement enough so that white revolutionaries share the cost and the blacks don’t have to do the whole thing alone. Any white who does not follow this third path is objectively following one of the other two (or both) and is objectively racist.

V. Anti-Imperialist Revolution And The United Front

Since the strategy for defeating imperialism in semi-feudal colonies has two stages, the new democratic stage of a united front to throw out imperialism and then the socialist stage, some people suggest two stages for the US too—one to stop imperialism, the anti-imperialist stage, and another to achieve the dictatorship of the proletariat, the socialist stage. It is no accident that even the proponents of this idea can’t tell you what it means. In reality, imperialism is a predatory international stage of capitalism. Defeating imperialism within the US couldn’t possibly have the content, which it could in a semi-feudal country, of replacing imperialism with capitalism or new democracy; when imperialism is defeated in the US, it will be replaced by socialism—nothing else. One revolution, one replacement process, one seizure of state power—the anti-imperialist revolution and the socialist revolution, one and the same stage. To talk of this as two separate stages, the struggle to overthrow imperialism and the struggle for socialist revolution, is as crazy as if Marx had talked about the proletarian socialist revolution as a revolution of two stages, one the overthrow of capitalist state power, and second the establishment of socialist state power.

Along with no two stages, there is no united front with the petit bourgeoisie, because its interests as a class aren’t for replacing imperialism with socialism. As far as people within this country are concerned, the international war against imperialism is the same task as the socialist revolution, for one overthrow of power here. There is no “united front” for socialism here.

One reason people have considered the “united front” idea is the fear that if we were talking about a one-stage socialist revolution we would fail to organize maximum possible support among people, like some petit bourgeoisie, who would fight imperialism on a particular issue, but weren’t for revolution. When the petit bourgeoisie’s interest is for fighting imperialism on a particular issue, but not for overthrowing it and replacing it with socialism, it is still contributing to revolution to that extent—not to some intermediate thing which is not imperialism and not socialism. Someone not for revolution is not for actually defeating imperialism either, but we still can and should unite with them on particular issues. But this is not a united front (and we should not put forth some joint “united front” line with them to the exclusion of our own politics), because their class position isn’t against imperialism as a system. In China, or Vietnam, the petit bourgeoisie’s class interests could be for actually winning against imperialism; this was because their task was driving it out, not overthrowing its whole existence. For us here, “throwing it out” means not from one colony, but all of them, throwing it out of the world, the same thing as overthrowing it.

VI. International Strategy

What is the strategy of this international revolutionary movement- What are the strategic weaknesses of the imperialists which make it possible for us to win- Revolutionaries around the world are in general agreement on the answer, which Lin Piao describes in the following way:

US imperialism is stronger, but also more vulnerable, than any imperialism of the past. It sets itself against the people of the whole world, including the people of the United States. Its human, military, material and financial resources are far from sufficient for the realization of its ambition of domination over the whole world. US imperialism has further weakened itself by occupying so many places in the world, overreaching itself, stretching its fingers out wide and dispersing its strength, with its rear so far away and its supply lines so long.

—/Long Live the Victory of People’s War/

The strategy which flows from this is what Ché called “creating two, three, many Vietnams”—to mobilize the struggle so sharply in so many places that the imperialists cannot possibly deal with it all. Since it is essential to their interests, they will try to deal with it all, and will be defeated and destroyed in the process.

In defining and implementing this strategy, it is clear that the vanguard (that is, the section of the people who are in the forefront of the struggle and whose class interests and needs define the terms and tasks of the revolution) of the “American Revolution” is the workers and oppressed peoples of the colonies of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Because of the level of special oppression of black people as a colony, they reflect the interests of the oppressed people of the world from within the borders of the United States; they are part of the Third World and part of the international revolutionary vanguard.

The vanguard role of the Vietnamese and other Third World countries in defeating US imperialism has been clear to our movement for some time. What has not been so clear is the vanguard role black people have played, and continue to play, in the development of revolutionary consciousness and struggle within the United States. Criticisms of the black liberation struggle as being “reactionary” or of black organizations on campus as being conservative or “racist” very often express this lack of understanding. These ideas are incorrect and must be defeated if a revolutionary movement is going to be built among whites.

The black colony, due to its particular nature as a slave colony, never adopted a chauvinist identification with America as an imperialist power, either politically or culturally. Moreover, the history of black people in America has consistently been one of the greatest overall repudiations of and struggle against the state. From the slave ships from Africa to the slave revolts, the Civil War, etc., black people have been waging a struggle for survival and liberation. In the history of our own movement this has also been the case: the civil rights struggles, initiated and led by blacks in the South; the rebellions beginning with Harlem in 1964 and Watts in 1965 through Detroit and Newark in 1967; the campus struggles at all-black schools in the South and struggles led by blacks on campuses all across the country. As it is the blacks—along with the Vietnamese and other Third World people—who are most oppressed by US imperialism, their class interests are most solidly and resolutely committed to waging revolutionary struggle through to its completion. Therefore it is no surprise that time and again, in both political content and level of consciousness and militancy, it has been the black liberation movement which has upped the ante and defined the terms of the struggle.

What is the relationship of this “black vanguard” to the “many Vietnams” around the world- Obviously this is an example of our strategy that different fronts reinforce each other. The fact that the Vietnamese are winning weakens the enemy, advancing the possibilities for the black struggle, etc. But it is important for us to understand that the interrelationship is more than this. Black people do not simply “choose” to intensify their struggle because they want to help the Vietnamese, or because they see that Vietnam heightens the possibilities for struggle here. The existence of any one Vietnam, especially a winning one, spurs on others not only through consciousness and choice, but through need, because it is a political and economic, as well as military, weakening of capitalism, and this means that to compensate, the imperialists are forced to intensify their oppression of other people.

Thus the loss of China and Cuba and the loss now of Vietnam not only encourages other oppressed peoples (such as the blacks) by showing what the alternative is and that it can be won, but also costs the imperialists billions of dollars which they then have to take out of the oppression of these other peoples. Within this country increased oppression falls heavier on the most oppressed sections of the population, so that the condition of all workers is worsened through rising taxes, inflation and the fall of real wages, and speedup. But this increased oppression falls heaviest on the most oppressed, such as poor white workers and, especially, the blacks, for example through the collapse of state services like schools, hospitals and welfare, which naturally hits the hardest at those most dependent on them.

This deterioration pushes people to fight harder to even try to maintain their present level. The more the ruling class is hurt in Vietnam, the harder people will be pushed to rebel and to fight for reforms. Because there exist successful models of revolution in Cuba, Vietnam, etc., these reform struggles will provide a continually larger and stronger base for revolutionary ideas. Because it needs to maximize profits by denying the reforms, and is aware that these conditions and reform struggles will therefore lead to revolutionary consciousness, the ruling class will see it more and more necessary to come down on any motion at all, even where it is not yet highly organized or conscious. It will come down faster on black people, because their oppression is increasing fastest, and this makes their rebellion most thorough and most dangerous, and fastest growing. It is because of this that the vanguard character and role of the black liberation struggle will be increased and intensified, rather than being increasingly equal to and merged into the situation and rebellion of oppressed white working people and youth. The crises of imperialism (the existence of Vietnam and especially that it’s winning) will therefore create a “Black Vietnam” within the US.

Given that black self-determination would mean fully crushing the power of the imperialists, this “Vietnam” has certain different characteristics than the external colonial wars. The imperialists will never “get out of the US” until their total strength and every resource they can bring to bear has been smashed; so the Black Vietnam cannot win without bringing the whole thing down and winning for everyone. This means that this war of liberation will be the most protracted and hardest fought of all.

It is in this context that the question of the South must be dealt with again, not as a question of whether or not the black nation, black colony, exists there, as opposed to in the North as well, but rather as a practical question of strategy and tactics: Can the black liberation struggle—the struggle of all blacks in the country—gain advantage in the actual war of liberation by concentrating on building base areas in the South in territory with a concentration of black population-

This is very clearly a different question than that of “where the colony is,” and to this question the “yes” answer is an important possibility. If the best potential for struggle in the South were realized, it is fully conceivable and legitimate that the struggle there could take on the character of a fight for separation; and any victories won in that direction would be important gains for the national liberation of the colony as a whole. However, because the colony is dispersed over the whole country, and not just located in the black belt, winning still means the power and liberation of blacks in the whole country.

Thus, even the winning of separate independence in the South would still be one step toward self-determination, and not equivalent to winning it; which, because of the economic position of the colony as a whole, would still require overthrowing the state power of the imperialists, taking over production and the whole economy and power, etc.

VII. The Revolutionary Youth Movement: Class Analysis

The revolutionary youth movement program was hailed as a transition strategy, which explained a lot of our past work and pointed to new directions for our movement. But as a transition to what- What was our overall strategy- Was the youth movement strategy just an organizational strategy because SDS is an organization of youth and we can move best with other young people-

We have pointed to the vanguard nature of the black struggle in this country as part of the international struggle against American imperialism, and the impossibility of anything but an international strategy for winning. Any attempt to put forth a strategy which, despite internationalist rhetoric, assumes a purely internal development to the class struggle in this country, is incorrect. The Vietnamese (and the Uruguayans and the Rhodesians) and the blacks and Third World peoples in this country will continue to set the terms for class struggle in America.

In this context, why an emphasis on youth- Why should young people be willing to fight on the side of Third World peoples- Before dealing with this question about youth, however, there follows a brief sketch of the main class categories in the white mother country which we think are important, and [which] indicate our present estimation of their respective class interests (bearing in mind that the potential for various sections to understand and fight for the revolution will vary according to more than just their real class interests).

Most of the population is of the working class, by which we mean not simply industrial or production workers, nor those who are actually working, but the whole section of the population which doesn’t own productive property and so lives off of the sale of its labor power. This is not a metaphysical category either in terms of its interests, the role it plays, or even who is in it, which very often is difficult to determine.

As a whole, the long-range interests of the non-colonial sections of the working class lie with overthrowing imperialism, with supporting self-determination for the oppressed nations (including the black colony), with supporting and fighting for international socialism. However, virtually all of the white working class also has short-range privileges from imperialism, which are not false privileges but very real ones which give them an edge of vested interest and tie them to a certain extent to the imperialists, especially when the latter are in a relatively prosperous phase. When the imperialists are losing their empire, on the other hand, these short-range privileged interests are seen to be temporary (even though the privileges may be relatively greater over the faster-increasing emiseration of the oppressed peoples). The long-range interests of workers in siding with the oppressed peoples are seen more clearly in the light of imperialism’s impending defeat. Within the whole working class, the balance of anti-imperialist class interests with white mother country short-term privilege varies greatly.

First, the most oppressed sections of the mother country working class have interests most clearly and strongly anti-imperialist. Who are the most oppressed sections of the working class- Millions of whites who have as oppressive material conditions as the blacks, or almost so: especially poor southern white workers; the unemployed or semi-employed, or those employed at very low wages for long hours and bad conditions, who are non-unionized or have weak unions; and extending up to include much of unionized labor which has it a little better off but still is heavily oppressed and exploited. This category covers a wide range and includes the most oppressed sections not only of production and service workers but also some secretaries, clerks, etc. Much of this category gets some relative privileges (i.e. benefits) from imperialism, which constitute some material basis for being racist or pro-imperialist; but overall it is itself directly and heavily oppressed, so that in addition to its long-range class interest on the side of the people of the world, its immediate situation also constitutes a strong basis for sharpening the struggle against the state and fighting through to revolution.

Secondly, there is the upper strata of the working class. This is also an extremely broad category, including the upper strata of unionized skilled workers and also most of the “new working class” of proletarianized or semi-proletarianized “intellect workers.” There is no clearly marked dividing line between the previous section and this one; our conclusions in dealing with “questionable” strata will in any event have to come from more thorough analysis of particular situations. The long-range class interests of this strata, like the previous section of more oppressed workers, are for the revolution and against imperialism. However, it is characterized by a higher level of privilege relative to the oppressed colonies, including the blacks, and relative to more oppressed workers in the mother country; so that there is a strong material basis for racism and loyalty to the system. In a revolutionary situation, where the people’s forces were on the offensive and the ruling class was clearly losing, most of this upper strata of the working class will be winnable to the revolution, while at least some sections of it will probably identify their interests with imperialism till the end and oppose the revolution (which parts do which will have to do with more variables than just the particular level of privilege). The further development of the situation will clarify where this section will go, although it is clear that either way we do not put any emphasis on reaching older employed workers from this strata at this time. The exception is where they are important to the black liberation struggle, the Third World, or the youth movement in particular situations, such as with teachers, hospital technicians, etc., in which cases we must fight particularly hard to organize them around a revolutionary line of full support for black liberation and the international revolution against US imperialism. This is crucial because the privilege of this section of the working class has provided and will provide a strong material basis for national chauvinist and social democratic ideology within the movement, such as anti-internationalist concepts of “student power” and “workers control.” Another consideration in understanding the interests of this segment is that, because of the way it developed and how its skills and its privileges were “earned over time,” the differential between the position of youth and older workers is in many ways greater for this section than any other in the population. We should continue to see it as important to build the revolutionary youth movement among the youth of this strata.

Thirdly, there are “middle strata” who are not petit bourgeoisie, who may even technically be upper working class, but who are so privileged and tightly tied to imperialism through their job roles that they are agents of imperialism. This section includes management personnel, corporate lawyers, higher civil servants, and other government agents, army officers, etc. Because their job categories require and promote a close identification with the interests of the ruling class, these strata are enemies of the revolution.

Fourthly, and last among the categories we’re going to deal with, is the petit bourgeoisie. This class is different from the middle level described above in that it has the independent class interest which is opposed to both monopoly power and to socialism. The petit bourgeoisie consists of small capital—both business and farms—and self-employed tradesmen and professionals (many professionals work for monopoly capital, and are either the upper level of the working class or in the dent class interests-anti-monopoly capital, but for capitalism rather than socialism—gives it a political character of some opposition to “big government,” like its increased spending and taxes and its totalitarian extension of its control into every aspect of life, and to “big labor,” which is at this time itself part of the monopoly capitalist power structure. The direction which this opposition takes can be reactionary or reformist. At this time the reformist side of it is very much mitigated by the extent to which the independence of the petit bourgeoisie is being undermined. Increasingly, small businesses are becoming extensions of big ones, while professionals and self-employed tradesmen less and less sell their skills on their own terms and become regular employees of big firms. This tendency does not mean that the reformist aspect is not still present; it is, and there are various issues, like withdrawing from a losing imperialist war, where we could get support from them. On the question of imperialism as a system, however, their class interests are generally more for it than for overthrowing it, and it will be the deserters from their class who stay with us.

VIII. Why A Revolutionary Youth Movement-

In terms of the above analysis, most young people in the US are part of the working class. Although not yet employed, young people whose parents sell their labor power for wages, and more important who themselves expect to do the same in the future—or go into the army or be unemployed—are undeniably members of the working class. Most kids are well aware of what class they are in, even though they may not be very scientific about it. So our analysis assumes from the beginning that youth struggles are, by and large, working-class struggles. But why the focus now on the struggles of working-class youth rather than on the working class as a whole-

The potential for revolutionary consciousness does not always correspond to ultimate class interest, particularly when imperialism is relatively prosperous and the movement is in an early stage. At this stage, we see working-class youth as those most open to a revolutionary movement which sides with the struggles of Third World people; the following is an attempt to explain a strategic focus on youth for SDS.

In general, young people have less stake in a society (no family, fewer debts, etc.), are more open to new ideas (they have not been brainwashed for so long or so well), and are therefore more able and willing to move in a revolutionary direction. Specifically in America, young people have grown up experiencing the crises in imperialism. They have grown up along with a developing black liberation movement, with the liberation of Cuba, the fights for independence in Africa and the war in Vietnam. Older people grew up during the fight against fascism, during the Cold War, the smashing of the trade unions, McCarthy, and a period during which real wages consistently rose—since 1965 disposable real income has decreased slightly, particularly in urban areas where inflation and increased taxation have bitten heavily into wages. This crisis in imperialism affects all parts of the society. America has had to militarize to protect and expand its empire; hence the high draft calls and the creation of a standing army of three and a half million, an army which still has been unable to win in Vietnam. Further, the huge defense expenditures—required for the defense of the empire and at the same time a way of making increasing profits for the defense industries—have gone hand in hand with the urban crisis around welfare, the hospitals, the schools, housing, air and water pollution. The State cannot provide the services it has been forced to assume responsibility for, and needs to increase taxes and to pay its growing debts while it cuts services and uses the pigs to repress protest. The private sector of the economy can’t provide jobs, particularly unskilled jobs. The expansion of the defense and education industries by the State since World War II is in part an attempt to pick up the slack, though the inability to provide decent wages and working conditions for “public” jobs is more and more a problem.

As imperialism struggles to hold together this decaying social fabric, it inevitably resorts to brute force and authoritarian ideology. People, especially young people, more and more find themselves in the iron grip of authoritarian institutions. Reaction against the pigs or teachers in the schools, welfare pigs or the army, is generalizable and extends beyond the particular repressive institution to the society and the State as a whole. The legitimacy of the State is called into question for the first time in at least 30 years, and the anti-authoritarianism which characterizes the youth rebellion turns into rejection of the State, a refusal to be socialized into American society. Kids used to try to beat the system from inside the army or from inside the schools; now they desert from the army and burn down the schools.

The crisis in imperialism has brought about a breakdown in bourgeois social forms, culture and ideology. The family falls apart, kids leave home, women begin to break out of traditional “female” and “mother” roles. There develops a “generation gap” and a “youth problem.” Our heroes are no longer struggling businessmen, and we also begin to reject the ideal career of the professional and look to Mao, Chef, the Panthers, the Third World, for our models, for motion. We reject the elitist, technocratic bullshit that tells us only experts can rule, and look instead to leadership from the people’s war of the Vietnamese. Chuck Berry, Elvis, the Temptations brought us closer to the “people’s culture” of Black America. The racist response to the civil rights movement revealed the depth of racism in America, as well as the impossibility of real change through American institutions. And the war against Vietnam is not “the heroic war against the Nazis”; it’s the big lie, with napalm burning through everything we had heard this country stood for. Kids begin to ask questions: Where is the Free World- And who do the pigs protect at home-

The breakdown in bourgeois culture and concomitant anti-authoritarianism is fed by the crisis in imperialism, but also in turn feeds that crisis, exacerbates it so that people no longer merely want the plastic ’50s restored, but glimpse an alternative (like inside the Columbia buildings) and begin to fight for it. We don’t want teachers to be more kindly cops; we want to smash cops, and build a new life.

The contradictions of decaying imperialism fall hardest on youth in four distinct areas—the schools, jobs, the draft and the army, and the pigs and the courts. (A) In jail-like schools, kids are fed a mish-mash of racist, male chauvinist, anti-working class, anti-communist lies while being channeled into job and career paths set up according to the priorities of monopoly capital. At the same time, the State is becoming increasingly incapable of providing enough money to keep the schools going at all. (B) Youth unemployment is three times average unemployment. As more jobs are threatened by automation or the collapse of specific industries, unions act to secure jobs for those already employed. New people in the labor market can’t find jobs, job stability is undermined (also because of increasing speed-up and more intolerable safety conditions) and people are less and less going to work in the same shop for 40 years. And, of course, when they do find jobs, young people get the worst ones and have the least seniority. (C) There are now two and a half million soldiers under thirty who are forced to police the world, kill and be killed in wars of imperialist domination. And (D) as a “youth problem” develops out of all this, the pigs and courts enforce curfews, set up pot busts, keep people off the streets, and repress any youth motion whatsoever.

In all of this, it is not that life in America is toughest for youth or that they are the most oppressed. Rather, it is that young people are hurt directly—and severely—by imperialism. And, in being less tightly tied to the system, they are more “pushed” to join the black liberation struggle against US imperialism. Among young people there is less of a material base for racism—they have no seniority, have not spent 20 years securing a skilled job (the white monopoly of which is increasingly challenged by the black liberation movement), and aren’t just about to pay off a 25-year mortgage on a house which is valuable because it’s located in a white neighborhood.

While these contradictions of imperialism fall hard on all youth, they fall hardest on the youth of the most oppressed (least privileged) sections of the working class. Clearly these youth have the greatest material base for struggle. They are the ones who most often get drafted, who get the worst jobs if they get any, who are most abused by the various institutions of social control, from the army to decaying schools, to the pigs and the courts. And their day-to-day existence indicates a potential for militancy and toughness. They are the people whom we can reach who at this stage are most ready to engage in militant revolutionary struggle.

The point of the revolutionary youth movement strategy is to move from a predominant student elite base to more oppressed (less privileged) working-class youth as a way of deepening and expanding the revolutionary youth movement—not of giving up what we have gained, not giving up our old car for a new Dodge. This is part of a strategy to reach the entire working class to engage in struggle against imperialism; moving from more privileged sections of white working-class youth to more oppressed sections to the entire working class as a whole, including importantly what has classically been called the industrial proletariat. But this should not be taken to mean that there is a magic moment, after we reach a certain percentage of the working class, when all of a sudden we become a working-class movement. We are already that if we put forward internationalist proletarian politics. We also don’t have to wait to become a revolutionary force. We must be a self-conscious revolutionary force from the beginning, not be a movement which takes issues to some mystical group—”THE PEOPLE”—who will make the revolution. We must be a revolutionary movement of people understanding the necessity to reach more people, all working people, as we make the revolution.

The above arguments make it clear that it is both important and possible to reach young people wherever they are—not only in the shops, but also in the schools, in the army and in the streets—so as to recruit them to fight on the side of the oppressed peoples of the world. Young people will be part of the International Liberation Army. The necessity to build this International Liberation Army in America leads to certain priorities in practice for the revolutionary youth movement which we should begin to apply this summer. …

IX. Imperialism Is The Issue

The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletariat of different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality. 2. In the various stages of development which the struggle of the working-class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole.”

—Communist Manifesto

How do we reach youth; what kinds of struggles do we build; how do we make a revolution- What we have tried to lay out so far is the political content of the consciousness which we want to extend and develop as a mass consciousness: the necessity to build our power as part of the whole international revolution to smash the state power of the imperialists and build socialism. Besides consciousness of this task, we must involve masses of people in accomplishing it. Yet we are faced with a situation in which almost all of the people whose interests are served by these goals, and who should be, or even are, sympathetic to revolution, neither understand the specific tasks involved in making a revolution nor participate in accomplishing them. On the whole, people don’t join revolutions just because revolutionaries tell them to. The oppression of the system affects people in particular ways, and the development of political consciousness and participation begins with particular problems, which turn into issues and struggles. We must transform people’s everyday problems, and the issues and struggles growing out of them, into revolutionary consciousness, active and conscious opposition to racism and imperialism.

This is directly counterposed to assuming that struggles around immediate issues will lead naturally over time to struggle against imperialism. It has been argued that since people’s oppression is due to imperialism and racism, then any struggle against immediate oppression is “objectively anti-imperialist,” and the development of the fight against imperialism is a succession of fights for reforms. This error is classical economism.

A variant of this argument admits that this position is often wrong, but suggests that since imperialism is collapsing at this time, fights for reforms become “objectively anti-imperialist.” At this stage of imperialism there obviously will be more and more struggles for the improvement of material conditions, but that is no guarantee of increasing internationalist proletarian consciousness.

On the one hand, if we, as revolutionaries, are capable of understanding the necessity to smash imperialism and build socialism, then the masses of people who we want to fight along with us are capable of that understanding. On the other hand, people are brainwashed and at present don’t understand it; if revolution is not raised at every opportunity, then how can we expect people to see it in their interests, or to undertake the burdens of revolution- We need to make it clear from the very beginning that we are about revolution. But if we are so careful to avoid the dangers of reformism, how do we relate to particular reform struggles- We have to develop some sense of how to relate each particular issue to the revolution.

In every case, our aim is to raise anti-imperialist and anti-racist consciousness and tie the struggles of working-class youth (and all working people) to the struggles of Third World people, rather than merely joining fights to improve material conditions, even though these fights are certainly justified. This is not to say that we don’t take immediate fights seriously, or fight hard in them, but that we are always up front with our politics, knowing that people in the course of struggle are open to a class line, ready to move beyond narrow self-interest.

It is in this sense that we point out that the particular issue is not the issue, is important insofar as it points to imperialism as an enemy that has to be destroyed. Imperialism is always the issue. Obviously, the issue cannot be a good illustration, or a powerful symbol, if it is not real to people, if it doesn’t relate to the concrete oppression that imperialism causes. People have to be (and are being) hurt in some material way to understand the evils of imperialism, but what we must stress is the systematic nature of oppression and the way in which a single manifestation of imperialism makes clear its fundamental nature. At Columbia it was not the gym, in particular, which was important in the struggle, but the way in which the gym represented, to the people of Harlem and Columbia, Columbia’s imperialist invasion of the black colony. Or at Berkeley, though people no doubt needed a park (as much, however, as many other things-), what made the struggle so important was that people, at all levels of militancy, consciously saw themselves attacking private property and the power of the State. And the Richmond Oil Strike was exciting because the militant fight for improvement of material conditions was part and parcel of an attack on international monopoly capital. The numbers and militancy of people mobilized for these struggles has consistently surprised the left, and pointed to the potential power of a class-conscious mass movement.

The masses will fight for socialism when they understand that reform fights, fights for improvement of material conditions, cannot be won under imperialism. With this understanding, revolutionaries should never put forth a line which fosters the illusion that imperialism will grant significant reforms. We must engage in struggles forthrightly as revolutionaries, so that it will be clear to anyone we help to win gains that the revolution rather than imperialism is responsible for them. This is one of the strengths of the Black Panther Party Breakfast for Children Program. It is “socialism in practice” by revolutionaries with the “practice” of armed self-defense and a “line” which stresses the necessity of overthrowing imperialism and seizing state power. Probably the American Friends Service Committee serves more children breakfast, but it is the symbolic value of the program in demonstrating what socialism will do for people which makes the Black Panther Program worthwhile.

What does it mean to organize around racism and imperialism in specific struggles- In the high schools (and colleges) at this time, it means putting forth a mass line to close down the schools, rather than to reform them, so that they can serve the people. The reason for this line is not that under capitalism the schools cannot serve the people, and therefore it is silly or illusory to demand that. Rather, it is that kids are ready for the full scope of militant struggle, and already demonstrate a consciousness of imperialism, such that struggles for a people-serving school would not raise the level of their struggle to its highest possible point. Thus, to tell a kid in New York that imperialism tracks him and thereby oppresses him is often small potatoes compared to his consciousness that imperialism oppresses him by jailing him, pigs and all, and the only thing to do is break out and tear up the jail. And even where high school kids are not yet engaged in such sharp struggle, it is crucial not to build consciousness only around specific issues such as tracking or ROTC or racist teachers, but to use these issues to build toward the general consciousness that the schools should be shut down. It may be important to present a conception of what schools should or could be like (this would include the abolition of the distinction between mental and physical work), but not offer this total conception as really possible to fight for in any way but through revolution.

A mass line to close down the schools or colleges does not contradict demands for open admissions to college or any other good reform demand. Agitational demands for impossible, but reasonable, reforms are a good way to make a revolutionary point. The demand for open admissions by asserting the alternative to the present (school) system exposes its fundamental nature—that it is racist, class-based, and closed—pointing to the only possible solution to the present situation: “Shut it down!” The impossibility of real open admissions—all black and brown people admitted, no flunk-out, full scholarship, under present conditions—is the best reason (that the schools show no possibility for real reform) to shut the schools down. We should not throw away the pieces of victories we gain from these struggles, for any kind of more open admissions means that the school is closer to closing down (it costs the schools more, there are more militant blacks and browns making more and more fundamental demands on the schools, and so on). Thus our line in the schools, in terms of pushing any good reforms, should be, Open them up and shut them down!”

The spread of black caucuses in the shops and other workplaces throughout the country is an extension of the black liberation struggle. These groups have raised and will continue to raise anti-racist issues to white workers in a sharper fashion than any whites ever have or could raise them. Blacks leading struggles against racism made the issue unavoidable, as the black student movement leadership did for white students. At the same time these black groups have led fights which traditional trade-union leaders have consistently refused to lead—fights against speed-up and for safety (issues which have become considerably more serious in the last few years), forcing white workers, particularly the more oppressed, to choose in another way between allegiance to the white mother country and black leadership. As white mother country radicals we should try to be in shops, hospitals, and companies where there are black caucuses, perhaps organizing solidarity groups, but at any rate pushing the importance of the black liberation struggle to whites, handing out Free Huey literature, bringing guys out to Panther rallies, and so on. Just one white guy could play a crucial role in countering UAW counter-insurgency.

We also need to relate to workplaces where there is no black motion but where there are still many young white workers. In the shops the crisis in imperialism has come down around speed-up, safety, and wage squeeze—due to higher taxes and increased inflation, with the possibility of wage-price controls being instituted.

We must relate this exploitation back to imperialism. The best way to do this is probably not caucuses in the shops, but to take guys to citywide demonstrations, Newsreels, even the latest administration building, to make the Movement concrete to them and involve them in it. Further, we can effect consciousness and pick up people through agitational work at plants, train stops, etc., selling Movements, handing out leaflets about the war, the Panthers, the companies’ holdings overseas or relations to defense industry, etc.

After the Richmond strike, people leafleted about demonstrations in support of the Curaçao Oil workers, Free Huey May Day, and People’s Park.

SDS has not dealt in any adequate way with the women question; the resolution passed at Ann Arbor did not lead to much practice, nor has the need to fight male supremacy been given any programmatic direction within the RYM. As a result, we have a very limited understanding of the tie-up between imperialism and the women question, although we know that since World War II the differential between men’s and women’s wages has increased, and guess that the breakdown of the family is crucial to the woman question. How do we organize women against racism and imperialism without submerging the principled revolutionary question of women’s liberation- We have no real answer, but we recognize the real reactionary danger of women’s groups that are not self-consciously revolutionary and anti-imperialist.

To become more relevant to the growing women’s movement, SDS women should begin to see as a primary responsibility the self-conscious organizing of women. We will not be able to organize women unless we speak directly to their own oppression. This will become more and more critical as we work with more oppressed women. Women who are working and women who have families face male supremacy continuously in their day-to-day lives; that will have to be the starting point in their politicization. Women will never be able to undertake a full revolutionary role unless they break out of their woman’s role. So a crucial task for revolutionaries is the creation of forms of organization in which women will be able to take on new and independent roles. Women’s self-defense groups will be a step toward these organizational forms, as an effort to overcome women’s isolation and build revolutionary self-reliance.

The cultural revolt of women against their “role” in imperialism (which is just beginning to happen in a mass way) should have the same sort of revolutionary potential that the RYM claimed for “youth culture.” The role of the “wife-mother” is reactionary in most modern societies, and the disintegration of that role under imperialism should make women more sympathetic to revolution.

In all of our work we should try to formulate demands that not only reach out to more oppressed women, but ones which tie us to other ongoing struggles, in the way that a daycare center at U of C [University of Chicago] enabled us to tie the women’s liberation struggle to the Black Liberation struggle.

There must be a strong revolutionary women’s movement, for without one it will be impossible for women’s liberation to be an important part of the revolution. Revolutionaries must be made to understand the full scope of women’s oppression, and the necessity to smash male supremacy.

X. Neighborhood-Based Citywide Youth Movement

One way to make clear the nature of the system and our tasks working off of separate struggles is to tie them together with each other: to show that we’re one “multi-issue” movement, not an alliance of high school and college students, or students and GIs, or youth and workers, or students and the black community. The way to do this is to build organic regional or sub-regional and citywide movements, by regularly bringing people in one institution or area to fights going on on other fronts.

This works on two levels. Within a neighborhood, by bringing kids to different fights and relating these fights to each other—high school stuff, colleges, housing, welfare, shops—we begin to build one neighborhood-based multi-issue movement off of them. Besides actions and demonstrations, we also pull different people together in day-to-day film showings, rallies, for speakers and study groups, etc. On a second level, we combine neighborhood “bases” into a citywide or region-wide movement by doing the same kind of thing; concentrating our forces at whatever important struggles are going on and building more ongoing interrelationships off of that.

The importance of specifically neighborhood-based organizing is illustrated by our greatest failing in RYM practice so far—high school organizing. In most cities we don’t know the kids who have been tearing up and burning down the schools. Our approach has been elitist, relating to often baseless citywide groups by bringing them our line, or picking up kids with a false understanding of “politics” rather than those whose practice demonstrates their concrete anti-imperialist consciousness that schools are prisons. We’ve been unwilling to work continuously with high school kids as we did in building up college chapters. We will only reach the high school kids who are in motion by being in the schoolyards, hangouts and on the streets on an everyday basis. From a neighborhood base, high school kids could be effectively tied in to struggles around other institutions and issues, and to the anti-imperialist movement as a whole.

We will try to involve neighborhood kids who aren’t in high schools too; take them to anti-war or anti-racism fights, stuff in the schools, etc.; and at the same time reach out more broadly through newspapers, films, storefronts. Activists and cadres who are recruited in this work will help expand and deepen the Movement in new neighborhoods and high schools. Mostly we will still be tied in to the college-based movement in the same area, be influencing its direction away from campus-oriented provincialism, be recruiting high school kids into it where it is real enough and be recruiting organizers out of it. In its most developed form, this neighborhood-based movement would be a kind of sub-region. In places where the Movement wasn’t so strong, this would be an important form for being close to kids in a day-to-day way and yet be relating heavily to a lot of issues and political fronts which the same kids are involved with.

The second level is combining these neighborhoods into citywide and regional movements. This would mean doing the same thing—bringing people to other fights going on—only on a larger scale, relating to various blow-ups and regional mobilizations. An example is how a lot of people from different places went to San Francisco State, the Richmond Oil Strike, and now Berkeley. The existence of this kind of cross-motion makes ongoing organizing in other places go faster and stronger, first by creating a pervasive politicization, and second by relating everything to the most militant and advanced struggles going on so that they influence and set the pace for a lot more people. Further, cities are a basic unit of organization of the whole society in a way that neighborhoods aren’t. For example, one front where we should be doing stuff is the courts; they are mostly organized citywide, not by smaller areas. The same for the city government itself. Schools where kids go are in different neighborhoods from where they live, especially colleges; the same for hospitals people go to, and where they work. As a practical question of staying with people we pick up, the need for a citywide or area-wide kind of orientation is already felt in our movement.

Another failure of this year was making clear what the RYM meant for chapter members and students who weren’t organizers about to leave their campus for a community college, high school, GI organizing, shops or neighborhoods. One thing it means for them is relating heavily to off-campus activities and struggles, as part of the citywide motion. Not leaving the campus movement like people did for ERAP [Education Research Action Project] stuff; rather, people still organized on the campus in off-campus struggles, the way they have in the past for national actions. Like the national actions, the citywide ones will build the on-campus movement, not compete with it.

Because the Movement will be defining itself in relation to many issues and groups, not just schools (and the war and racism as they hit at the schools), it will create a political context that non-students can relate to better, and be more useful to organizing among high school students, neighborhood kids, the mass of people. In the process, it will change the consciousness of the students too; if the issues are right and the Movement fights them, people will develop a commitment to the struggle as a whole, and an understanding of the need to be revolutionaries rather than a “student movement.” Building a revolutionary youth movement will depend on organizing in a lot of places where we haven’t been, and just tying the student movement to other issues and struggles isn’t a substitute for that. But given our limited resources we must also lead the on-campus motion into a RYM direction, and we can make great gains toward citywide youth movements by doing it.

Three principles underlie this multi-issue, “cross-institutional” movement, on the neighborhood and citywide levels, as to why it creates greater revolutionary consciousness and active participation in the revolution:

(1) Mixing different issues, struggles and groups demonstrates our analysis to people in a material way. We claim there is one system and so all these different problems have the same solution, revolution. If they are the same struggle in the end, we should make that clear from the beginning. On this basis we must aggressively smash the notion that there can be outside agitators on a question pertaining to the imperialists.

(2) “Relating to Motion”: the struggle activity, the action, of the Movement demonstrates our existence and strength to people in a material way. Seeing it happen, people give it more weight in their thinking. For the participants, involvement in struggle is the best education about the Movement, the enemy and the class struggle. In a neighborhood or whole city the existence of some struggle is a catalyst for other struggles—it pushes people to see the Movement as more important and urgent, and as an example and precedent makes it easier for them to follow. If the participants in a struggle are based in different institutions or parts of the city, these effects are multiplied. Varied participation helps the Movement be seen as political (wholly subversive) rather than as separate grievance fights. As people in one section of the Movement fight beside and identify closer with other sections, the mutual catalytic effect of their struggles will be greater.

(3) We must build a Movement oriented toward power. Revolution is a power struggle, and we must develop that understanding among people from the beginning. Pooling our resources area-wide and citywide really does increase our power in particular fights, as-well as push a mutual-aid-in-struggle consciousness.

XI. The RYM And The Pigs

A major focus in our neighborhood and citywide work is the pigs, because they tie together the various struggles around the State as the enemy, and thus point to the need for a Movement oriented toward power to defeat it.

The pigs are the capitalist state, and as such define the limits of all political struggles; to the extent that a revolutionary struggle shows signs of success, they come in and mark the point it can’t go beyond. In the early stages of struggle, the ruling class lets parents come down on high school kids, or jocks attack college chapters. When the struggle escalates the pigs come in; at Columbia, the left was afraid its struggle would be co-opted to anti-police brutality, cops off campus, and said pigs weren’t the issue. But pigs really are the issue and people will understand this, one way or another. They can have a liberal understanding that pigs are sweaty working-class barbarians who over-react and commit “police brutality” and so shouldn’t be on campus. Or they can understand pigs as the repressive imperialist State doing its job. Our job is not to avoid the issue of the pigs as “diverting” from anti-imperialist struggle, but to emphasize that they are our real enemy if we fight that struggle to win.

Even when there is no organized political struggle, the pigs come down on people in everyday life in enforcing capitalist property relations, bourgeois laws and bourgeois morality; they guard stores and factories and the rich and enforce credit and rent against the poor. The overwhelming majority of arrests in America are for crimes against property. The pigs will be coming down on the kids we’re working with in the schools, on the streets, around dope; we should focus on them, point them out all the time, like the Panthers do. We should relate the daily oppression by the pig to their role in political repression, and develop a class understanding of political power and armed force among the kids we’re with.

As we develop a base these two aspects of the pig role increasingly come together. In the schools, pig is part of daily oppression—keeping order in halls and lunch rooms, controlling smoking—while at the same time pigs prevent kids from handing out leaflets, and bust “outside agitators.” The presence of youth, or youth with long hair, becomes defined as organized political struggle and the pigs react to it as such. More and more everyday activity is politically threatening, so pigs are suddenly more in evidence; this in turn generates political organization and opposition, and so on. Our task will be to catalyze this development, pushing out the conflict with the pig so as to define every struggle—schools (pigs out, pig institutes out), welfare (invading pig-protected office), the streets (curfew and turf fights)—as a struggle against the needs of capitalism and the force of the State.

Pigs don’t represent State power as an abstract principle; they are a power that we will have to overcome in the course of struggle or become irrelevant, revisionist, or dead. We must prepare concretely to meet their power because our job is to defeat the pigs and the army, and organize on that basis. Our beginnings should stress self-defense—building defense groups around karate classes, learning how to move on the street and around the neighborhood, medical training, popularizing and moving toward (according to necessity) armed self-defense, all the time honoring and putting forth the principle that “political power comes out of the barrel of a gun.” These self-defense groups would initiate pig surveillance patrols, visits to the pig station and courts when someone is busted, etc.

Obviously the issues around the pig will not come down by neighborhood alone; it will take at least citywide groups able to coordinate activities against a unified enemy—in the early stages, for legal and bail resources and turning people out for demonstrations, adding the power of the citywide movement to what may be initially only a tenuous base in a neighborhood. Struggles in one part of the city will not only provide lessons for but [will] materially aid similar motion in the rest of it.

Thus the pigs are ultimately the glue—the necessity—that holds the neighborhood-based and citywide movement together; all of our concrete needs lead to pushing the pigs to the fore as a political focus:

(1) making institutionally oriented reform struggles deal with State power, by pushing our struggle till either winning or getting pigged;

(2) using the citywide inter-relation of fights to raise the level of struggle and further large-scale anti-pig movement-power consciousness;

(3) developing spontaneous anti-pig consciousness in our neighborhoods to an understanding of imperialism, class struggle and the State;

(4) and using the citywide movement as a platform for reinforcing and extending this politicization work, like by talking about getting together a citywide neighborhood-based mutual aid anti-pig self-defense network.

All of this can be done through citywide agitation and propaganda and picking certain issues—to have as the central regional focus for the whole Movement.

XII. Repression And Revolution

As institutional fights and anti-pig self-defense off of them intensify, so will the ruling class’s repression. Their escalation of repression will inevitably continue according to how threatening the Movement is to their power. Our task is not to avoid or end repression; that can always be done by pulling back, so we’re not dangerous enough to require crushing. Sometimes it is correct to do that as a tactical retreat, to survive to fight again.

To defeat repression, however, is not to stop it but to go on building the Movement to be more dangerous to them; in which case, defeated at one level, repression will escalate even more. To succeed in defending the Movement, and not just ourselves at its expense, we will have to successively meet and overcome these greater and greater levels of repression.

To be winning will thus necessarily, as imperialism’s lesser efforts fail, bring about a phase of all-out military repression. To survive and grow in the face of that will require more than a larger base of supporters; it will require the invincible strength of a mass base at a high level of active participation and consciousness, and can only come from mobilizing the self-conscious creativity, will and determination of the people.

Each new escalation of the struggle in response to new levels of repression, each protracted struggle around self-defense which becomes a material fighting force, is part of the international strategy of solidarity with Vietnam and the blacks, through opening up other fronts. They are anti-war, anti-imperialist and pro-black liberation. If they involve fighting the enemy, then these struggles are part of the revolution.

Therefore, clearly the organization and active, conscious, participating mass base needed to survive repression are also the same needed for winning the revolution. The Revolutionary Youth Movement speaks to the need for this kind of active mass-based Movement by tying citywide motion back to community youth bases, because this brings us close enough to kids in their day-to-day lives to organize their “maximum active participation” around enough different kinds of fights to push the “highest level of consciousness” about imperialism, the black vanguard, the State and the need for armed struggle.

III. The Need For A Revolutionary Party

The RYM must also lead to the effective organization needed to survive and to create another battlefield of the revolution. A revolution is a war; when the Movement in this country can defend itself militarily against total repression it will be part of the revolutionary war.

This will require a cadre organization, effective secrecy, self-reliance among the cadres, and an integrated relationship with the active mass-based Movement. To win a war with an enemy as highly organized and centralized as the imperialists will require a (clandestine) organization of revolutionaries, having also a unified “general staff”; that is, combined at some point with discipline under one centralized leadership. Because war is political, political tasks—the international communist revolution—must guide it. Therefore the centralized organization of revolutionaries must be a political organization as well as military, what is generally called a “Marxist-Leninist” party.

How will we accomplish the building of this kind of organization- It is clear that we couldn’t somehow form such a party at this time, because the conditions for it do not exist in this country outside the Black nation. What are these conditions-

One is that to have a unified centralized organization it is necessary to have a common revolutionary theory which explains, at least generally, the nature of our revolutionary tasks and how to accomplish them. It must be a set of ideas which have been tested and developed in the practice of resolving the important contradictions in our work.

A second condition is the existence of revolutionary leadership tested in practice. To have a centralized party under illegal and repressive conditions requires a centralized leadership, specific individuals with the understanding and the ability to unify and guide the Movement in the face of new problems and be right most of the time.

Thirdly, and most important, there must be the same revolutionary mass base mentioned earlier, or (better) revolutionary mass movement. It is clear that without this there can’t be the practical experience to know whether or not a theory, or a leader, is any good at all. Without practical revolutionary activity on a mass scale the party could not test and develop new ideas and draw conclusions with enough surety behind them to consistently base its survival on them. Especially, no revolutionary party could possibly survive Without relying on the active support and participation of masses of people.

These conditions for the development of a revolutionary party in this country are the main “conditions” for winning. There are two kinds of tasks for us.

One is the organization of revolutionary collectives within the Movement. Our theory must come from practice, but it can’t be developed in isolation. Only a collective pooling of our experiences can develop a thorough understanding of the complex conditions in this country. In the same way, only our collective efforts toward a common plan can adequately test the ideas we develop. The development of revolutionary Marxist-Leninist-Maoist collective formations which undertake this concrete evaluation and application of the lessons of our work is not just the task of specialists or leaders, but the responsibility of every revolutionary. Just as a collective is necessary to sum up experiences and apply them locally, equally the collective interrelationship of groups all over the country is necessary to get an accurate view of the whole movement and to apply that in the whole country. Over time, those collectives which prove themselves in practice to have the correct understanding (by the results they get) will contribute toward the creation of a unified revolutionary party.

The most important task for us toward making the revolution, and the work our collectives should engage in, is the creation of a mass revolutionary movement, without which a clandestine revolutionary party will be impossible. A revolutionary mass movement is different from the traditional revisionist mass base of “sympathizers.” Rather it is akin to the Red Guard in China, based on the full participation and involvement of masses of people in the practice of making revolution; a movement with a full willingness to participate in the violent and illegal struggle. It is a movement diametrically opposed to the elitist idea that only leaders are smart enough or interested enough to accept full revolutionary conclusions. It is a movement built on the basis of faith in the masses of people.

The task of collectives is to create this kind of movement. (The party is not a substitute for it. and in fact is totally dependent on it.) This will be done at this stage principally among youth, through implementing the Revolutionary Youth Movement strategy discussed in this paper. It is practice at this, and not political “teachings” in the abstract, which will determine the relevance of the political collectives which are formed.

The strategy of the RYM for developing an active mass base, tying the citywide fights to community and citywide anti-pig movement, and for building a party eventually out of this motion, fits with the world strategy for winning the revolution, builds a movement oriented toward power, and will become one division of the International Liberation Army, while its battlefields are added to the many Vietnams which will dismember and dispose of US imperialism. Long Live the Victory of People’s War!

More strange American ‘law’

Posted on November 6, 2008 by Tony Logan

spitzer-call-girl What would happen if the police had the evidence on any other Tony, Eric, Dick, or Peter, that any one of us three had paid for a prostitute? I ask this, since I once was almost a victim of police entrapment by a female cop decoy that I innocently enough offered a ride from inside a convenience store. She kept begging me to pay her for sex! Luckily when I didn’t bite, she finally got out of the car, and the next day I read about her policing activities in the daily paper. Close call.

In New York, the police are not as uncorrupted as the Texas cops are though. No Charges for Spitzer in Prostitution Case They get all the dope on a guy, and then let him go! Isn’t that just incredible? This man could possibly corrupt the morals of some other young call girl because of this inexplicable police behavior. That’s not right!

I chalk it up to being just another strange American ‘law’. Some go to jail, and others don’t. Equal protection under the law? Perhaps not. The law is not blind, though now the current governor of New York is just that, ever since Spitzer has got spitzed back out into the general population.

Who needs these prostitution laws anyway? The police? I feel sorry for Eliot’s wife, since she might not be able to buy at Neiman Marcus this Christmas?

And imagine if I had used New York State Police logic back if I had taken the bait with the police decoy bird down in Texas? I had offered her say, $100 for a ‘light massage’? As they would then have converged on me in mass, handcuffed me, and I would have shouted out….

‘You can’t arrest me! This $100 is not from public funds!’

Here is that imaginary answer from the cops…

‘Sorry, Guv, we will have to let you go. You harmed nobody.’

Preview of Hank William Jr concert on behalf of John McCain’s third wife

Posted on November 2, 2008 by Tony Logan

sick-elepjhant OK, it was less than a week ago that Kevin Costner showed up to kiss the young female donkeys on behalf of Barack Obama, but the Republicans are not to be outdone in Show Biz and have hired gun Hank Williams Jr on hand to serenade their lovely Sarah Palin. To my looking he has a kind of tired out Merle Haggard appearance, but if you miss Hee-Haw his show might just be the perfect thing for you. Here’s a preview of McCain Palin Tradition by Hank Williams Jr See it and cr.. NO laugh! Sarah is there and she show is purty!

The Colorado Springs Gazette favorably headlines local Communist Party activity in our fair city!

Posted on October 29, 2008 by Tony Logan

This is, as all presidential election years are, a circus year of American comedy at its best! I mean, we got a gift from John McCain of his female Dan Quail, Sarah Pale In town even! Still, imagine my surprise to see today’s edition of our Far Right Wing daily paper (The Gagzette) with a prominent headline for our city’s only active Communist Party member, gus hall Vivian! She’s been the deliverer of the Communist Party’s national newspaper around town for years now (and a reporter for that paper, too!), but apparently our Gazette ‘reporters’, ‘editors’, and ‘newsmen’ are unaware of that!????? Go figure?

They probably are aware though, that Barack Obama is a Big Bad American Communist? I mean, we are dealing with world class geniuses over that at Freedom Communications, Inc… lol. I hope that they do not now inform the national crowd about Barack Obama’s connections to Colorado Spring’s Communist Movement, now that they are getting the real scoop about my friend Vivian, the CP reporter and paper deliverer?

OK, here’s the link to the Gazette’s pro- Communist Party activity, though you have to buy the paper’s hard copy to get the full effect, as their website really doesn’t give a good idea of how much they actually headlined their pro-CP coverage. I’ll be laughing through the next year over this one, you can bet on that! Campaigners on different sides, but have same passion

Go Vivian! I love you even if you are an evil commie! Give me a call so we can get together some! I’m not surprised that you are pushing for Obama.

Could it be that the Colorado Springs Gazette’s editors are Lenin’s useful idiots? For more about the American Communist Party, go to The Gus Hall Fan Club website …I know that our local paper would want you to do that! Go useful idiot team at our local Gagzette! Good work! I’m still not voting for Barack Obama though.

Hooters in time honored fashion

Posted on October 4, 2008 by Eric Verlo

COLORADO SPRINGS- At the Ritz Bar and Grill on Tejon St. downtown, waitresses have to bend over the counter to convey drink orders to the bartenders. There’s a raised platform to assist them in their short skirts. If the show outside is too tame for you.

I remember learning in high school that all the roles in Shakespeare’s plays, even the female characters, were portrayed by male actors. We were left to assume that women in Elizabethan England were not permitted on stage for the usual discriminatory reasons. But that was a simplification, which obscured the origins of sexism like the Burqa.

In Old England it was not that their gender was not talented enough, nor, directly, that women’s power challenged the men. Elizabethan rulers deemed it imprudent to let women advertise their wares on public stages. Women who were not at home with families, serving the domestic sex trade let’s say, were free-agent professionals. Inn keepers and barmaids had job descriptions not far removed from prostitutes, and a stage gave them too much marketing visibility. No doubt, obviously power.

I suppose sex also threatened to obscure the art of the theater. A favorite author once wrote he could only aspire to create a poem as immediately compelling as a pornographic photograph.

A friend of mine used to work at the Ritz, and assured me the skirt length was voluntary. Likewise the bar step at the center of everyone’s attention. Both great for tips she said.

As long as people continue to vote for the lesser of two evils, we can never hope for anything better than evil.

Posted on September 16, 2008 by Thomas Mc

Conservatives never learn. Jeb Bush involved in collapse of Lehman Bros. [Reuters]

Jewish Taliban brutally beating women in Jerusalem.

Wednesday is Constitution Day, a day to mourn the destruction of the US Constitution under NeoCon rule.

Heckofajob, Brownie. FEMA failing Galveston and Houston just like they did New Orleans after Katrina.

Excerpts from Thomas McCullock’s Sept 16 notes, thomasmc.com.

Colorado Springs declared Dog Town USA

Posted on September 9, 2008 by Eric Verlo

COLORADO SPRINGS- Are you hearing it here first?! We witnessed the ceremony at today’s city council meeting, and it was news to them. DOG FANCY MAGAZINE awarded Colorado Springs this year’s title DOG TOWN USA. The decision was based on 27 criteria which measure a dog friendly environment: proportion of hotels which allow dogs, number of restaurants that permit dog dinning, disregard for enforcing leash laws on nature trails, preponderance of female joggers who don’t feel safe outside their homes without a big dog companion, regional shortcoming of beauty and/or character? Compared to the rest, Top Dog Springs knows how to heel!

Just say no, Sarah Palin

Posted on August 31, 2008 by Marie Walden

Exactly who is John McCain pandering to by adding Sarah Palin to the ticket? Talk is that he’s hoping to hook the evangelical crowd, but he’s obviously missing a few key bits of information.

Conservative Christians do not put their women in positions of authority over men. Ever. In my former church, women were not allowed to preach to the general congregation because this was seen as unbiblical, and a condescension to their male counterparts. Believe it or not, they aren’t even permitted to lead the “praise and worship” musical segment of the Sunday service for the same reason. Jezebel can forget about the support of evangelical males.

As for females, they present an even peskier problem. Christian women have strong opinions about the roles of wife and mother. In my experience, few evangelical wives are employed full-time outside the home. Their lives are about rearing godly children and glorifying their husbands. Many consider themselves helpmates, subordinate to their husbands and the church. They are not going to view Sarah Palin as a sister in Christ. She resembles a Biblical harlot, not a Proverbs 31 role model.

There is a nonreligious unbridgeable gap here as well. In case you hadn’t heard, there is an ongoing feud between stay-at-home mothers (SAHMs) and women employed outside the home. The SAHMs claim the moral high ground in the area of child-raising and husband-tending, while the working women, especially those in traditionally male-dominated professions, cling to feminist values of independence, equality, and self-actualization. Ms. Palin — the working woman who calls herself a soccer mom — may strike both camps as an imposter. And many women, regardless of work status, will wonder why Sarah would leave five children, including a special-needs infant, to be used as a pawn in a good-ol’-boys ploy.

I feel sorry for Sarah Palin. She’s being used as hastily begotten arm candy to pretty up an ugly ticket. Things won’t go well for her this election season. In my opinion, she should have refused McCain’s offer. She should have thanked him for the honor of being asked, and then used the national spotlight to showcase who she really is. Not the life preserver he’d like her to be.

High Hopes for Hurricane Gustav

Posted on August 31, 2008 by Eric Verlo

In 2005, I was skeptical of the imminent threat posed by Katrina. TV forecasters are always hyping the worst. But if Hurricane Gustav does blow to fruition: Please Gustav, spare the people of Cuba, spare the black and the poor of New Orleans. But otherwise, GO GO GODZILLA!

When Hurricane Katrina hit New Orleans, TV images seen the world over left fellow developed countries amazed that the USA couldn’t look after itself. How could a natural disaster cause such carnage in a supposedly technologically advanced nation? Our government officials looked like fools, both for being ill prepared and for their ineffectual scramble to bring aid. Americans have learned that little was done to prepare for a Katrina. We’ve now seen that rebuilding has less to do with restoring the victims’ homes than providing a huge land grab for land developers.

Let it happen again. Rain upon the resorts and casinos, batter the rich neighborhoods who wouldn’t let Katrina’s afflicted cross their bridge to safety. Let Gustav make a mucky swamp of Nouveau-riche Orleans. Let Bush and his “Good Job” Three Stooges take the spotlight again. Consider it a rerun for those whose Katrina memories have lapsed. Let all Americans soak up what a clown car sideshow Bush & Co has been.

We hear that the GOP is considering postponing their convention in Minneapolis St Paul so that they’re not seen waving flags while poor black Americas are floating on flood waters. If the RNC is rescheduled, I’m making plans to get there just to laugh at the heartless white fatties and their ignorant fans.

Fish out of hot water in peaceful crowd

Posted on August 30, 2008 by Eric Verlo

DENVER- Sunday DNC day zero, Civic Center Park, agent provocateurs
I made it a sideline to take photos of potential police instigators at the DNC protests. What excuse can law enforcement make for planting undercover agitators in a peaceful assembly? Encouraging lawlessness is how Pinkerton thugs used to bust up efforts to organize unions.

They stand out like black-clad thumbs. And they’re making the crowd nervous. I’m still not sure these thug cops aren’t planted to be noticed on purpose. They serve as sheep dogs, moving the flock along with just the faintest of aggressive postures to trigger fear responses.

Now would you say they’ve been joined by a female officer of similar demeanor?

Isn’t this fun? Can you detect another TRIO moving along the same walkway? Hint, they’re closer to forty something.

McCain’s new wife

Posted on August 29, 2008 by Tony Logan

McCain picks Palin as running mate Alaska governor to be first female Republican VP nominee Obama is now married to Joseph Biden all because dufus Barack was worried that McCain would pick Joseph Lieberman to be his VP pick. Now, McCain has a pretty ‘young’ White Woman in his household to counter the ugly looking Democratic Party marriage of convenience of his neighbors. Comedy is never pretty!

Welcome to the Democratic Party Police State! Now, surrender your rights.

Posted on August 28, 2008 by Thomas Mc

Welcome to the Democratic Party Police State, where freedom of the press a thing of the past. ABC News reporter arrested at Denver convention, for the crime of filming Democratic big wigs talking to big money donors on public property. They have it all on tape, and broadcasted it on the national evening news.

It’s about ‘effin time!

Karma’s a bitch, and she is pissed! Hurricane Gustav in line to hit New Orleans on Monday, just as the GOP convention starts. LA governor has already declared a state of emergency, and NOLO mayor warns that there are still thousands of FEMA trailers that will become little more than missiles if it hits. I don’t want to wish anything bad, but this could put an end to the GOP, once and for all.

“On Sept. 15, 2003, one of Homeland Security Secretary Tom Ridge’s deputies lobbed a bureaucratic hand grenade across his desk. In a seven-page memo, the new department’s undersecretary for emergency preparedness and response told Ridge that his organizational plan would cripple America’s ability to respond to disasters. The memo, like so many that flew around Washington during the largest government reshuffling in decades, involved turf: Ridge had decided to move some of the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s preparedness functions to an office less than one-fifteenth its size.”

This is the guy John McCain is considering for VP, as another category 3 hurricane is predicted to hit New Orleans, on the opening day of the GOP convention! [video]

Freedom is slavery. Halliburton charged with human trafficing.

Sickeness is health. McCain advisor says the answer to the problem of millions of uninsured Americans, is to just quit calling them that. “It won’t cost a penny.”

Oceania has always been at war with EastAsia. (Brought to you by the Ministry of Truth.)

Cops tricked protesters into pleading guilty to charges before being allowed to make phone calls, denied Constitutional rights. You have no rights under our “two party” system.

Freedom means drinking what the Party tells you to drink! Will CocaCola be
banned in an Obama administration?

This is beginning to make Nazi Germany look like Freedom Paradise.

Will Cheney have a 747 crash into Invesco Field during Obama’s acceptance speech? I’m just asking.

Excerpts from Thomas McCullock’s notes Aug 28, thomasmc.com.

Tiki Barber is my hero

Posted on August 22, 2008 by Marie Walden

Marie Walden poolside Beware. This is going to be a rant.

Today, I met with great misfortune. I watched MSNBC’s unbelievably sub-par coverage of the Olympics. Jenna Wolfe, know-nothing sports commentator extraordinaire, was recounting her favorite moments of the Games. To her, the most poignant moment was American swimmer, Dara Torres, being wonderfully gracious in defeat. Torres didn’t win, but the moment was inspiring nonetheless. Wolfe’s asswipe co-commentator back home, tight-pants Tamryn someone-or-another, chimed in “if you’re not first, you’re last.”

You have got to be fucking kidding me. Dara Torres, 41-year-old mother of two children, is competing in her FIFTH Olympic Games. She’s medaled in each and every one. In Beijing, she took silver in the women’s 50-meter freestyle race, .01 seconds behind the 22-year-old winner, Britta Steffen. About 35 minutes later, she won another silver medal as part of the American 4×100-meter medley relay team. Her 12 Olympic medals tie the all-time medal record for a female Olympian.

What a loser.

When Jenna Wolfe wasn’t supplying us with completely asinine commentary, she was mocking co-host and NFL phenom, Tiki Barber, for not having a Superbowl Ring.

My favorite moment of the Games? I’d say it was when Tiki Barber called Jenna Wolfe a cunt on-air for all the world to hear. He’s taking all the heat for the “lack of chemistry.” But for those of us who understand and revere sport, Tiki’s words are pure gold.

Recreate 68 explains diplomatic silence

Posted on August 17, 2008 by NMT

DENVER- From Recreate 68 e-news flash: “We would like to reiterate the fact that, contrary to reports, all of the events coordinated by R-68 are permitted and legal events and are organized with our statement of non-violence and our statement of principles of solidarity in mind.”

R-68 announced its updated schedule for the DNC, and breaks its silence about the over-publicized acrimony between DNC protest organizers.

Before we list the events, R-68 would like to take a moment and address an ever-increasing amount of attacks from the more conservative quarters on the left. Many have asked us to respond to multiple false and inaccurate claims and smear jobs put out by other organizations and individuals.

These types of mis-information campaigns have a long history here in Denver and across this country. When an organization allies with the voices of the oppressed and becomes effective, the attacks escalate. These attacks and counter-organizations started over a year ago but have come and gone. R-68 has always maintained a principled position and refused to engage in this behavior due to our belief that the left needs unity and solidarity now more than ever and this unproductive in-fighting is a distraction to the larger global issues we face.

Our actions and behavior speak louder than words and we will continue to try to set the example of principled behavior for our communities. We will not respond, in kind, to these slanderous attacks, but instead, will maintain our focus to provide a forum for oppressed communities and communities of color and to do what we can to amplify their voices on the political stage. Our events will reflect all of the hard work and commitment to the vision that was shared with us at the beginning of our organizing efforts, a vision that became the foundation and blueprint for our actions from respected voices and leaders in this struggle from the communities mentioned above.

Unfortunately, Cynthia McKinney and Rosa Clemente, two voices for true change in this country, have become targets of some of this unnecessary and unproductive rage that has been perpetuated by what we refer to as spirit snipers. Spirit snipers are people who take shots from afar at others working for change, while doing nothing positive in the community. We applaud the principled stand that Cynthia & Rosa have taken in the face of threats and intimidation to their campaign for the highest office in this land. It is not often that one will find such a morally sound base in a political ticket or individual. So yes, R-68 does support a “black” candidate and a “female” candidate – that is why we support Cynthia McKinney and Rosa Clemente!

…

1. Press Conference
R-68 will be hosting a press conference on Monday, August 18, 2008 at 2pm in Civic Center Park at the Greek Amphitheater. We will be announcing the name and the date of performance of a historic politically driven band that will be joining us for a free concert for the people. In addition, we will be announcing three guest speakers who are well known and respected nationally who have committed to joining us and speaking with our already historic line-up of voices for change. Please come down and support the spokes people.

2. Events
R-68 has assisted certain communities in organizing the logistics for historic events in Denver during the DNC. Below is a list of the events, speakers and music acts that will be occurring each day. Please note that this is not the entire amazing amount of activities that will be occurring during the week. You can go to our welcoming table at any of our events and obtain a copy of a comprehensive schedule that our welcome committee worked hard to produce. The schedule includes events from all other groups in addition to ours in order to maximize the voices of our communities and show solidarity in message. In addition, our welcome table will provide transportation information, logistical information and a list of friendly businesses to visit during your stay.

We would like to reiterate the fact that, contrary to reports, all of the events coordinated by R-68 are permitted and legal events and are organized with our statement of non-violence and our statement of principles of solidarity in mind.

I wore polka dots today

Posted on July 29, 2008 by Marie Walden

…and felt like an idiot. Why? I think polka dots are adorable. They are playful and happy and youthful which are traits I value. And the outfit I had on was classy and cute. So why did I feel anxious that someone might pop over unexpectedly and see my polka dots? I’m not sure, but I changed rather than further contemplate the issue.

I think that maybe polka dots aren’t me. Whatever that means. Like all women, I have a closet full of clothes that I never wear. Truthfully, my closet is a schizophrenic mixed bag pining for psychiatric intervention. I must’ve worn these styles at one time, but I guess I’ve changed. Or, more likely, they were never me. I just didn’t know it, because I was adept at changing me to be a part of the crowd du jour.

I don’t think men are this way. A couple years ago, a friend and I took a getaway to Mexico for a few days. We hung out under a big beach umbrella, two pale obviously-American chubbies in a sea of gorgeous foreigners. The women were thin, tanned, and beautiful, but they couldn’t hold a candle to the men. Unbelievably fit, glistening brown skin, boy shorts. At once holding a cigarette and a partner’s perky breast, we couldn’t stop staring at the men.

When the couples eventually got up and dressed, the guys wore capri pants, silky dark shirts, and closed-toe leather sandals. But even through my drool I knew that, were I given the chance, I probably wouldn’t date any one of them. Seriously! They were not my type.

As pretty as the beach boys were, my type of guy doesn’t spend much time thinking about his hair and wardrobe. A makeover is buying his favorite shirt in another color. I’ve never succeeded in slipping Bruni Maglis over his tennis shoes, nor a man purse over his shoulder. Even the plain front/pleated front battle can rage for days, so sartorial transformation has never been in the cards. Men know what they are comfortable wearing, and are usually unwilling to indulge our female fantasies. Truly, I wouldn’t want it any other way.

If men can stay true to form, why do women’s closets suffer from bipolar disorder? Are we multifaceted and complex, or are we being unduly influenced the expectations of our mates, the opinions of our friends, and the daily media mind fuck?

Though my closet doesn’t reflect it yet, my chameleon days are over. I am newly unapologetic about my hairstyle, my yoga pants, and my Doc Martens. When I dress up I usually wear black from head to toe. I don’t show a lot of skin, and hide my few curves. I wear simple earrings, no other jewelry. I no longer worry about fashion trends, because I refuse to be trendy.

My manner of dress is merely an outward manifestation of the natural, unadorned, athletic, private girl that I am. I cover my body in such a way that I’m not constantly mindful of the fact that I’m wearing something. Something that feels foreign and awkward. Like polka dots.

Product Obama

Posted on July 26, 2008 by Tony Logan

“At the time when the American military industrial complex is despised around the world, [Barack Obama] is a front man out of central casting which will buy it more goodwill and new room to maneuver in the first 15 minutes after being sworn in that John McCain could in the next 100 years.”

Counterpoint columnist Joe Bageant was given the following essay by an unnamed political consultant:
Life in the Post-political Age.

Much has been written by political pundits in their attempt to explain the unexpected victory of Senator Barack Obama over Senator Hillary Clinton in this year’s Democratic Presidential Primary. When looking at the results of this race, none of the conventional political math that would help one handicap the outcome would make one conclude that Senator Obama would win this contest.

Inside a Democratic Party primary there is no demographic or political reason that a male first term African American senator from Illinois with an unorthodox name should come any where close to beating a white female senator, who happens to be the wife of the last Democratic President whose approval ratings are still above 70% with Democratic voters and who also happened to earn the endorsements of the substantial parts of the Democratic Party establishment.

The conventional analysis focused on the poor quality of the campaign run by Senator Clinton, her vote in support of the Iraq war and her advocacy of the cynical center-right triangulation policies of her husband, which soured her campaign to many primary voters and especially to Democratic Party activists. Senator Obama’s on the other hand was credited with running an innovative and inspiring campaign that excited primary voters and brought many new and especially younger voters into the electoral process.

There is some truth to this analysis, but as a whole it misses the underlying social change in society that had already laid the groundwork for a possible Obama victory. To get a clearer understanding of the results, we must better understand what this social change is and how its impact is far more significant than the dynamics of the two respective campaigns.

The underlying social change that led to the Obama victory is the unprecedented extent to which the narrative of popular consumer culture, and the media that drives it, has become the dominant influence on how Americans think, formulate their ideas and understand the world around them.

The most important result of this process has been the steady and consistent depoliticization of American society, to an extent that we can make the case that we are living at the dawn of the post political age.

The two primary features of the post political age are a politics completely drained of all its contents and ability or willingness to be used as an agent of change in social or economic policy, and its full integrations into the world of American popular, consumer and entertainment culture. To such an extent that there exists today a seamless web between our political, economic, media and consumer cultures wherein the modes and values of one are completely integrated and compatible with the others.

It should not come as a surprise that the dominant ideas and mores of popular culture have become the dominant ideas of our society. Popular culture is the breaker of customs, prejudice, tradition and relevant historical knowledge.

It is a result of this dynamic that the two consistent winners in American politics over the last 30 years have been the cultural left and the economic right. Despite the massive organizing drive of the religious right over the past three decades, they are further away from reversing the cultural liberalization of American society than when they started. On others side of the ledger, organized labor outside of a few urban pockets and industries is no longer a relevant force in American life. The ever greater electoral activism of both of these groups is generally misunderstood as a show of strength; in fact, it is the exact opposite. It is the desperate fight of the losing side of the American economic, cultural and political scene.

In essence the same forces that make it possible for the rapid acceptance of ideas such as gay marriage are the same force which can create a society that will accept massive social inequalities.

In the post political world and the candidates who can best thrive in it have tremendous appeal to the economic elites, a system that does not dwell on issues and will never ask the question, “who has power and why”, but simultaneously creates a social and media environment of stupefying distractions while destroying traditional social mores (under-credited as a source of much social solidarity). This can only benefit their continued rule of that society.

In such a setting our political choices like our consumer choices, regardless of the product, are primarily about what makes us more fulfilled and feel better about ourselves.

Senator Obama’s campaign understood much better the impact of these changes on our electoral system than any of his opponents’ campaigns. In the post political world, the campaign that is less political and less issue-based but is savvier in using new modes of communication technology will be the campaign to win the greatest market share of the electorate. The candidate in this case, Obama, was not a political entity but, in essence a product, an ornament that made his supporters feel better about themselves.

One of the most telling facts about the Obama’s constituency outside of African Americans (whose support needs no explanation) is that it is a coalition of people who need or demand the least amount of social benefit from our government. They are the under politicized younger voters and upper middle class whites. The two groups, coincidently, are the ones most influenced by trends in consumer popular culture and have the greatest of ease using the latest technologies.

In commercial advertising it is the poor commercial that lists the seventeen functions of the product being marketed. The best commercials are based on image associations entirely unrelated to the functions of the actual product. In the post political world, when the same principle is applied to the political realm, it makes complete sense how Barack Obama no longer is a black man with a strange name but the iPod to Hillary Clinton’s cell phone. In the world of toys it is the one that stands out the most is the most marketable.

The reality of the post political period is best highlighted in the failed themes and ideas of Barack Obama’s two primary opponents. The Clinton campaign was based on pushing two concurrent ideas: the inevitability factor of her candidacy and the other was her supposed experience. The only thing inevitable in the post political period is ceaseless change, which she could hardly offer while running against the candidate of “Change”. How valuable of an asset can experience be in a culture where knowledge, wisdom and history are frowned upon?

John Edwards campaign on the other hand was dead on arrival. His theme and emphasis was America’s ever widening class differences, a platform as truthful as it was irrelevant. The use of the word “class” will end any political career in America. That truth violates the primary narrative that our elite use to justify their legitimacy, which is the supposed meritocratic nature of America society. While the post political constituencies have absolutely no interest in class, whose very acknowledgment are the bases of all real politics and whose acknowledgement would only lead to an existential crisis in its ranks. In the post political period the only differences allowed can be in style and modes of consumption.

Given all this as the background, what are we to make of the campaign of the candidate of hope, audacity and change? The answer lies in understanding Senator Obama’s appeal to the brighter sections of the economic and political elite, and more importantly in the lack of any organized opposition against him, of the kind that within a matter of days destroyed Howard Dean’s campaign in 2004.

At the precise moment that the intellectual underpinnings of conservative free market ideas that have dominated politics for the past 30 years are crumbling across the globe. Obama calls for a post ideological and partisan world.

At the time when the American military industrial complex is despised around the world, he is a front man out of central casting which will buy it more goodwill and new room to maneuver in the first 15 minutes after being sworn in that John McCain could in the next 100 years.

His very presence, the color of his skin, the very strangeness of his name is the best guarantee of his betrayal of the expectations of the constituencies that will vote to elect him. Barack Obama is in short order a far more reassuring prospect for the continued dominance of the financial elite than another four years of neo-conservative rule which in an almost historically unique combination of greed, ill will, incompetence and stupidity have brought the country to the edge of disaster.

Audacity yes, change hardly.

Playing ball with the entrenched church

Posted on July 21, 2008 by Eric Verlo

It would have been my mother’s seventieth birthday today. We found the badge she used to gain entry to the Colorado Penal System.
El Paso County Sheriff CHAPLAIN badge
Besides serving on State committees for prison reform, Mom would counsel female inmates who were about to be released. Often their release dates would be postponed and postponed. My mother worried she couldn’t be too outspoken against the war lest our pro-war Catholic Bishop revoke her chaplain status and she would lose access to the prisoners.

Ctrl-Alt-Delete: Time to reboot America

Posted on July 4, 2008 by Thomas Mc

Understatement of the year: CNN Poll shows 69% of Americans say the signers of the Declaration of Independence would be disappointed by the way the nation has turned out.

God of Hate. The AntiChristians are boycotting McDonalds, for not hating gays enough, in Jesus name.

Rabid racist and vitrolic gay-basher Jesse Helms burns in Hell.

Gotta have a “beard” if you want to be considered for VP! FL governor Crist is engaged. To a female.

Barack Obama: just another Republican in Democrat’s clothing.

Excerpts from Thomas McCullock’s notes, July 4, thomasmc.com.

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