Yep, they turned up in their orange tans, diamonds, black gowns and shiny SUVs, to support Christian charter schools and honor “God Bless Him” George Dubya Bush. This was my favorite sign from the protest.
After seeing Colorado College gush over a whitewashed CIA murderer, I’m not in any mood to watch local Christian groupies applaud George War-criminal Bush. The plan for Saturday at the Broadmoor is to pummel the arrogant creep with shoes, ceremoniously of course, and probably in effigy. We’ll have a Bush impersonator, a little monkey in a suit strutting about with impunity. And it appeals to me more that we not land any hits, so we’ll have Junior ducking this shoe and that, taunting us with his sick hehehe. And won’t that reflect reality? Justice frustrated by a snickering good ol’ boy. Except, is there outrage left for Bush? I know I hardly feel it anymore. It’s Obama dissembling about torture and dropping the bombs now.
Here’s the list of embarrassing local businesses and idiotri welcoming George Bush to Colorado Springs, they’re even giving him an award, apparently he’s an inspiration to charter school students:
Colorado Springs Christian Schools
Steve Schuck
Dick Saunders, Saunders Construction
El Pomar Foundation
Pete & Jackie Kuyper
Sonya Camarco, LPL Financial
Dewhirst & Dolven, Attorneys
Bob & Kelly McGrath
Dr. Ron & Renee Rains
Interim Healthcare
Clear Ink Foundation
Colorado Custom Decks
Dr. Mike & Kathy Hall
Mateos Salon & Day Spa
Dar Howard
Envision Investment Group
Dave & Lynda Bjorklund
First Western Trust Bank
Scott & Beth Bugosh
Richard King Brown
Freedom Financial Services
The Milestone Group
Clear View Properties
The Sonchar Family
Joseph & Melissa Hornsey
Ken & Rae Driscoll
Rick & Margaret Brown
David & Gloria Neuder
Todd Pickle
Lee & Mickey Bolin
Seelye Group Ltd.
Liberty Toyota
Matrix Design Group
DWG & Associates
Blazer Electric Supply
ACSI
Joe Woodford
Thor Iverson Consulting
Rothgerber Johnson Lyons LLP
Kathryn Emrick
American Iron & Metal
Stephanie Brock Design
Integrity First Financial
Phil & Mary Kiemel
Weavers Online
Rocky Mountain Custom Trim
The UNAC is claiming that recent FBI raids on the offices of various antiwar organizations are linked to those which attended its July conference, an attempt to coordinate national antiwar activities.
Even the title of the conference was never pinned down. Here are the 28 action points decided for the upcoming year, which reads like a clearinghouse of ideas.
Action Program Adopted by the National Conference to Bring the Troops Home Now!
Albany, New York, July 25, 2010
1.
The Rainbow PUSH Coalition and the United Auto Workers (UAW) have invited peace organizations to endorse and participate in a campaign for Jobs, Justice, and Peace. We endorse this campaign and plan to be a part of it. On August 28, 2010, in Detroit, we will march on the anniversary of that day in 1963 when Walter Reuther, president of the UAW, Martin Luther King, Jr., and other civil rights leaders joined with hundreds of thousands of Americans for the March on Washington. In Detroit, prior to the March on Washington, 125,000 marchers participated in the Freedom Walk led by Dr. King. At the march, King delivered his “I Have a Dream” speech for the first time before sharing it with the world in Washington. This year, a massive march has been called for October 2 in Washington. We will begin to build momentum again in Detroit on August 28th. We also endorse the August 28, 2010 Reclaim the Dream Rally and March called by Rev. Al Sharpton and the National Action Network to begin at 11 a.m. at Dunbar High School, 1301 New Jersey Avenue Northwest, Washington D.C. .2.
Endorse, promote and mobilize for the Saturday, October 2nd “One Nation” march on Washington, DC initiated by 1199SEIU and the NAACP, now being promoted by a growing coalition, which includes the AFL-CIO and U.S. Labor Against the War, and civil rights, peace and other social justice forces in support of the demand for jobs, redirection of national resources from militarism and war to meeting human needs, fully funding vital social programs, and addressing the fiscal crisis of state and local governments. Organize and build an antiwar contingent to participate in the march. Launch a full-scale campaign to get endorsements for the October 2 march on Washington commencing with the final plenary session of this conference.3.
Endorse the call issued by a range of student groups for Thursday, October 7, as a national day of action to defend education from the horrendous budget cuts that are laying off teachers, closing schools, raising tuition and limiting access to education, especially for working and low income people. Demand “Money for Education, not U.S. Occupations” and otherwise link the cuts in spending for education to the astronomical costs of U.S. wars and occupations.4.
Devote October 7-16 to organizing local and regional protests to commemorate the ninth anniversary of the invasion and occupation of Afghanistan through demonstrations, marches, rallies, vigils, teach-ins, cultural events and other actions to demand an immediate end to the wars and occupations in both Iraq and Afghanistan and complete withdrawal of all military forces and private security contractors and other mercenaries. The nature and scheduling of these events will reflect the needs of local sponsors and should be designed to attract broad co-sponsorship and diverse participation of antiwar forces with other social justice organizations and progressive constituencies.5.
The U.S. military is the largest polluter in the world. Therefore, we endorse the “climate chaos” demonstration in Washington D.C. on October 11, coordinated by the National Campaign for Nonviolent Resistance.6.
Support and build Remember Fallujah Week November 15-19.7.
Join the new and existing broad-based campaigns to fund human needs and cut the military budget. Join with organizations representing the fight against cutbacks (especially labor and community groups) to build coalitions at the city/town, state and national level. Draft resolutions for city councils, town and village meetings and voter referendum ballot questions linking astronomical war spending to denial of essential public services at home. (Model resolutions and ballot questions will be circulated for consideration of local groups.) Obtain endorsements of elected officials, town and city councils, state parties and legislatures, and labor bodies. Work the legislative process to make military spending an issue. Oppose specific military funding programs and bills, and couple them with human needs funding issues. Use lobbying and other forms of protest, including civil disobedience campaigns, to focus attention on the issue.8.
Mid-March, 2011 nationally coordinated local teach-ins and protests to mark the eighth year of the Iraq War and to prepare for bi-coastal spring demonstrations the following month.9.
Bi-Coastal mass spring mobilizations in New York City, San Francisco and Los Angeles on April 9, 2011. These will be accompanied by distinct and separate non-violent direct actions on the same day. A prime component of these mobilizations will be major efforts to include broad new forces from youth to veterans to trade unionists to civil and human rights groups to the Arab, Muslim and other oppressed communities, to environmental organizations, social justice and faith-based groups. Veterans and military families will be key to these mobilizations with special efforts to organize this community to be the lead contingent. Launch a full-scale campaign to get endorsements for these actions commencing with the final plenary session of this conference.10.
Select a week prior to or after the April actions for local lobbying of elected officials at a time when Congress is not in session. Lobbying to take multiple forms from meeting with local officials to protests at their offices and homes. We will attend the town hall meetings of our Congresspersons and confront them vigorously on their support for the wars and occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan and sanctions on Iran. We also will press them on the unconstitutional diminution of the civil liberties of all Americans and targeted populations.11.
Consistent with the call to include broad popular sectors of society in our efforts and to contend with the challenges of opposing U.S. wars and occupations while also rejecting attacks at home, National Peace Conference participants will join May Day actions on May 1, 2011, so as to unite all those standing against war and for rights. U.S. military and trade wars force millions of refugees and migrants to the U.S., where they face growing repression, including mass detentions and deportations. Many immigrants, including youth, are forced into the military, through the economic draft as well as under threat of deportation and using false promises of citizenship. By standing together as one on May Day, the antiwar and immigrant rights movements make clear their united stand against U.S. wars and for the rights of all at home and abroad.12.
National tours: Organize, over a series of months, nationally-coordinated tours of prominent speakers and local activists that link the demands for immediate withdrawal to the demands for funding social programs, as outlined above. Encourage alternatives to military/lethal intervention, relying on research and experience of local and international peace team efforts.13.
Pressure on Iran from the U.S., Israel and other quarters continues to rise and the threat of a catastrophic military attack on Iran, as well as the ratcheting up of punitive sanctions that primarily impact the people of that country, are of grave concern. In the event of an imminent U.S. government attack on Iran, or such an attack, or a U.S.-backed Israeli attack against Iran, or any other major international crisis triggered by U.S. military action, a continuations committee approved by the conference will mount rapid, broad and nationally coordinated protests by antiwar and social justice activists.14.
In the event of U.S.-backed military action by Israel against Palestinians, aid activists attempting to end the blockade of Gaza, or attacks on other countries such as Lebanon, Syria, or Iran, a continuations committee approved by the conference will condemn such attacks and support widespread protest actions.15.
In solidarity with the antiwar movements of Japan and Korea, each calling for U.S. Troops to Get Out Now, and given the great increase in U.S. military preparations against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, National Peace Conference participants will organize immediate protests following any attack by the U.S. on Korea. U.S. war preparations include stockpiling hundreds of bunker-busters and conducting major war games near the territorial waters of China and Korea. In keeping with our stand for the right of self-determination and our demand of Out Now, the National Peace Conference calls for Bringing All U.S. Troops Home Now!16.
Support actions to end the Israeli occupation and repression of Palestinians and the blockade of Gaza.17.
Support actions aimed at dismantling the Cold War nuclear, biological, radiological and chemical weapons and delivery systems. Support actions aimed at stopping the nuclear renaissance of this Administration, which has proposed to spend $80 billion over the next 10 years to build three new nuclear bomb making facilities and “well over” $100 billion over the same period to modernize nuclear weapons delivery systems. We must support actions aimed at dismantling nuclear, biological, radiological and chemical weapons and delivery systems. We must oppose the re-opening of the uranium mining industry, new nuclear power plants, and extraction of other fossil fuels that the military consumes.18.
Work in solidarity with GIs, veterans, and military families to support their campaigns and calls for action. Demand support for the troops when they return home and support efforts to counter military recruitment.19.
Take actions against war profiteers, including oil and energy companies, weapons manufacturers, and engineering firms, whose contractors are working to insure U.S. economic control of Iraq’s and Afghanistan’s resources.20.
Support actions, educational efforts and lobbying campaigns to promote a transition to a sustainable peace economy.21.
Develop and implement a multi-pronged national media campaign which includes the following: the honing of a message which will capture our message: “End the Wars and Occupations, Bring the Dollars Home;” a fundraising campaign which would enable the creation and national placement and broadcast of professionally developed print ads as public service radio and television spots which communicate this imperative to the public as a whole (which would involve coordinated outreach to some major funders); outreach to sympathetic media artists to enable the creation of these pieces; an intentional, aggressive, coordinated campaign to garner interviews on as many targeted national news venues as possible which would feature movement voices speaking our nationally coordinated message to the honed; a plan to place on message op-ed pieces in papers around the country on a nationally coordinated schedule.22.
We demand the immediate and total withdrawal of U.S. military forces, mercenaries and contractors from Afghanistan and Iraq, and an end to drone attacks on Pakistan, Afghanistan and other countries and call for self-determination for the people of all countries. In this demand is the necessity for full truth and transparency regarding all U.S./NATO actions and an expanded development of independent news sources for broad public knowledge of the state of the wars and occupations. We demand an end to censorship of news topics and full democratic access to freedom of information within the U.S. NATO Military Industrial Media Empire.23.
We call for the equal participation of women in all aspects of the antiwar movement. We propose nonviolent direct actions either in Congressional offices or other appropriate and strategic locations, possibly defense contractors, Federal Buildings, or military bases in the U.S. These actions would be local and coordinated nationally, i.e., the same day for everyone (times may vary). The actions would probably result in arrests for sitting in after offices close. Entering certain facilities could also result in arrests. Participants would be prepared for that possible outcome before joining the action. Nonviolence training would be offered locally, with lists of trainers being made available. The message/demand would be a vote, a congressional action to end the wars: Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan. Close U.S. bases. Costs of war and financial issues related to social needs neglected because of war spending would need to be studied and statements regarding same be prepared before the actions. Press release would encourage coverage because of the actions being local and nationally coordinated.24.
We will convene one or more committees or conferences for the purpose of identifying and arranging boycotts, sit-ins, and other actions that directly interfere with the immoral aspects of the violence and wars that we protest.25.
We call for the immediate release from Israeli prisons of Mordechai Vanunu and for ending restrictions on his right to speak. We also call upon the Israeli government to let him travel freely and to leave Israel permanently if he so desires.26.
We oppose the prosecution for Bradley Manning for being the source of the Wikileaks leaks. Manning has done what all GIs should do when they see war crimes: expose them! Bradley Manning’s prosecution sends a message that if you expose illegal activity in the military, you will be prosecuted. We call for the unconditional release of Bradley Manning and an end to all war crimes.27.
We call for building and expanding the movement for peace by consciously and continually linking it with the urgent necessity to create jobs and fund social needs. We call for support from the antiwar movement to tie the wars and the funding for the wars to the urgent domestic issues through leaflets, signs, banners and active participation in the growing number of mass actions demanding jobs, health care, housing, education and immigrant rights such as:July 25 – March in Albany in Support of Muslims Targeted by Preemptive Prosecution called by the Muslim Solidarity Committee and Project SALAM.
July 29 & 30 – Boycott Arizona Actions across the country as racist Arizona law SB 1070 goes into effect, including the mass march July 30 in NYC as the Arizona Diamondbacks play the Mets.
All the other mass actions listed above leading up to the bi-coastal actions on April 9, 2011.
28.
The continuations committee elected at this conference shall reach out to other peace and social justice groups holding protests in the fall of 2010 and the spring of 2011, where such groups’ demands and tactics are not inconsistent with those adopted at the UNAC conference, on behalf of exploring ways to maximize unity within the peace and social justice movements this fall and next spring.
The publishers of Car Busters have proclaimed every September 22 to be WORLD CAR-FREE DAY. Consider taking the bus, riding a bike or walking to work today. Where possible, the World Carfree Network suggests you walk in the middle of the street where the automobile-dependent will get the point. It’s not your fault the MSM hasn’t told everyone we have a chance today to rethink the sustainability of how to get around.
Apropos to how to get people out of their cars, Vancouver scholar Patrick Condon has released a text about Design Strategies for a Post Carbon World, titled Seven Rules for Sustainable Communities, published by the University of British Columbia Press. The table of contents offers talking points enough:
SEVEN RULES FOR SUSTAINABLE, LOW-CARBON COMMUNITIES
1. Restore the Streetcar City
The Streetcar City as a Unifying Principle
Urban Form and the Pattern of Walkin and Riding
Continuous Linear Corridors, Not Stand-alone Nodes
Buses, Streetcars, Light Rail Transit, and Subways
Streetcar as an Urban Investment
Cars, Buses, Streetcar, or Heavy Rail?
Case Study of the Broadway Corridor in Vancouver
What Is the Optimal Transit System?2. Design an Interconnected Street System
Challenges of the Denritic Street System
Four Types of Interconnected Street Systems
Ideal Block and Parcel Size
Road Width, Fire Access, Queuing Streets
The Corner, Lanes and Alleys
Greenhouse Gas and Street Pattern3. Locate Commercial Services, Frequent Transit, and Schools within a Five-minute Walk
Sense of Place in Corridors
Transit, Density, and the Five-minute Walk
Designing for the Bus or Streetcar
The Walk to School4. Locate Good Jobs Close to Affordable Homes
The Historic Relationship between Work and Home
Metropolitan and Community Scale5. Provide a Diversity of Housing Types
The Influence of Building Type on GHG Production
The Sustainable Single-family Home
Build and Adapt Neighborhoods for all Ages and Incomes
Buildings with a Friendly Face to the Street6. Create a Linked System of Natural Areas and Parks
Fredrick Law Olmsted and Linked Natural Areas and Parks
Ian McHarg and the Greenway Revival
Case Study at the Regional Scale:
The Damascus Design Workshop
Case Study at the Neighborhood Scale: Sustainable Fairview
and the Pringle Creek Community, Salem, Oregon7. Invest in Lighter, Greener, Cheaper, Smarter Infrastructure
Watershed Function
Four Rules for Infiltration
Green Infrastructure for Parcels
Impervious Paved Infiltration Streets
It’s convenient to surmise that unexpected violence between activists and authorities must be the work of undercover provocateurs. With the fallout of the Mavi Marmara massacre reaching fever pitch, 
it’s hard to believe Israel would have engineered it thus; and far easier to imagine IDF infiltrators trying to steer flotilla organizers clear of headline-grabbing provocations.
I have a theory that terrorism-suspect and ultra-activist Ken O’Keefe is without doubt a provocateur. Working for whom? You and me.
By ours I don’t mean the us of A. I mean people of conscience.
Ken O’Keefe is the former US marine who renounced his citizenship after fighting in the Gulf War. Among many actions he’s participated in since then, O’Keefe led the bus caravan to Iraq during the lead up to that war, when it was hoped dotting Iraq with Westerners would be the human shield that deterred a US=British attack.
O’Keefe was among those on the Mavi Marmara, in particular fending off the commandos. He recounts how he helped disarm the soldiers and stash their sidearms for later use as evidence. The clips weren’t “emptied” into the Israelis at all, but stashed separately to prevent anyone from using or being accused of using the guns.
If anything O’Keefe served as provocateur to the activists’ courage, to step up a try to avert Israel’s interception of the humanitarian aid.
But on the theme of provocateurs, there are some schools of thought worth deliberating. (to be continued)
Of course in America now every day is Holocaust Remembrance Day, not just April 20; as more US metropolises erect their own Holocaust museums, and the preponderance of our primary schools fit Holocaust-themed books into every reading or social studies program for every grade, every year. Let’s dedicate this April 20 to remembering what was the process that led western nations to conclude that the victimization of the Jewish people alone, not the genocide of the Gypsies, nor the larger Nazi eradication of the Slavs, merited compensation in the form of somebody else’s homeland. By coincidence the guilt we commemorate is somebody else’s too. How much more appropriate when someday we atone for the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians, in restitution awarding them of their own land, Israel, usurped for a imperial-tourism colony whose apartheid identity a civilized society can no longer condone.
Three Cups of Tea, now Stones Into Schools author Greg Mortenson saw stones turned against Americans as the US suffered its first soldier casualties from an IED in the northwest boarder region of Pakistan. The US troops were training the paramilitary Frontier Corps, mercenaries hired to protect the all-girls schools built by Mortenson’s Central Asia Institute and USAID to which local Muslims and the Taliban take such umbrage. Oh, and lots of teenage girls were killed and injured too.
You thought Pakistan was already seeing plenty of casualties? Well except for a US contractor killed in a hotel bombing, all the deaths have been Pakistani civilians, killed by the score in daily air strikes by US drones.
“A time comes when silence is betrayal. That time has come for us in relation to Vietnam.” —
Martin Luther King Beyond Vietnam: Time to Break the Silence
Full text of 1967 speech below.
Riverside Church, New York City, 4 April 1967
I come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. I join with you in this meeting because I am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam. The recent statement of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart and I found myself in full accord when I read its opening lines:
“A time comes when silence is betrayal.”
That time has come for us in relation to Vietnam.
The truth of these words is beyond doubt but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. Even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government’s policy, especially in time of war. Nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one’s own bosom and in the surrounding world. Moreover when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on.
Some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. We must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. And we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation’s history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. Perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. If it is, let us trace its movement well and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.
Over the past two years, as I have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as I have called for radical departures from the destruction of Vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. At the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: Why are you speaking about war, Dr. King? Why are you joining the voices of dissent? Peace and civil rights don’t mix, they say. Aren’t you hurting the cause of your people, they ask? And when I hear them, though I often understand the source of their concern, I am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. Indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.
“I wish not to speak with Hanoi and the National Liberation Front, but rather to my fellow Americans who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents.”
In the light of such tragic misunderstandings, I deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and I trust concisely, why I believe that the path from Dexter Avenue Baptist Church — the church in Montgomery, Alabama, where I began my pastorate — leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.
I come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. This speech is not addressed to Hanoi or to the National Liberation Front. It is not addressed to China or to Russia.
Nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of Vietnam. Neither is it an attempt to make North Vietnam or the National Liberation Front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they can play in a successful resolution of the problem. While they both may have justifiable reason to be suspicious of the good faith of the United States, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.
Tonight, however, I wish not to speak with Hanoi and the NLF, but rather to my fellow Americans, who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents.
The Importance of Vietnam
Since I am a preacher by trade, I suppose it is not surprising that I have seven major reasons for bringing Vietnam into the field of my moral vision. There is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in Vietnam and the struggle I, and others, have been waging in America. A few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor — both black and white — through the poverty program. There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. Then came the buildup in Vietnam and I watched the program broken and eviscerated as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. So I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.
“For the sake of those boys,
for the sake of this governent,
for the sake of hundreds of thousands
trembling under our violence,
I cannot be silent.”Perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. It was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. We were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem. So we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. So we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would never live on the same block in Detroit. I could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.
My third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the North over the last three years — especially the last three summers. As I have walked among the desperate, rejected and angry young men I have told them that Molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. I have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action. But they asked — and rightly so — what about Vietnam? They asked if our own nation wasn’t using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. Their questions hit home, and I knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today — my own government. For the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, I cannot be silent.
For those who ask the question, “Aren’t you a civil rights leader?” and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, I have this further answer. In 1957 when a group of us formed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, we chose as our motto: “To save the soul of America.” We were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that America would never be free or saved from itself unless the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from the shackles they still wear. In a way we were agreeing with Langston Hughes, that black bard of Harlem, who had written earlier:
O, yes,
I say it plain,
America never was America to me,
And yet I swear this oath —
America will be!Now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of America today can ignore the present war. If America’s soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read Vietnam. It can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. So it is that those of us who are yet determined that America will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.
“Surely we must see
that the men we supported
pressed them to their violence.”As if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of America were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1964; and I cannot forget that the Nobel Prize for Peace was also a commission — a commission to work harder than I had ever worked before for “the brotherhood of man.” This is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present I would yet have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of Jesus Christ. To me the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that I sometimes marvel at those who ask me why I am speaking against the war. Could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men — for Communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? Have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the one who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? What then can I say to the “Vietcong” or to Castro or to Mao as a faithful minister of this one? Can I threaten them with death or must I not share with them my life?
Finally, as I try to delineate for you and for myself the road that leads from Montgomery to this place I would have offered all that was most valid if I simply said that I must be true to my conviction that I share with all men the calling to be a son of the living God. Beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because I believe that the Father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, I come tonight to speak for them.
This I believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation’s self-defined goals and positions. We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for victims of our nation and for those it calls enemy, for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.
Strange Liberators
And as I ponder the madness of Vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond to compassion my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. I speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the junta in Saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. I think of them too because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.
“Before long they must know
that their government has sent them
into a struggle among Vietnamese,
and the more sophisticated surely realize
that we are on the side of the wealthy
and the secure
while we create hell for the poor.”They must see Americans as strange liberators. The Vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence in 1945 after a combined French and Japanese occupation, and before the Communist revolution in China. They were led by Ho Chi Minh. Even though they quoted the American Declaration of Independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. Instead, we decided to support France in its re-conquest of her former colony.
Our government felt then that the Vietnamese people were not “ready” for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly Western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. With that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination, and a government that had been established not by China (for whom the Vietnamese have no great love) but by clearly indigenous forces that included some Communists. For the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.
For nine years following 1945 we denied the people of Vietnam the right of independence. For nine years we vigorously supported the French in their abortive effort to re-colonize Vietnam.
Before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the French war costs. Even before the French were defeated at Dien Bien Phu, they began to despair of the reckless action, but we did not. We encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. Soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at re-colonization.
After the French were defeated it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the Geneva agreements. But instead there came the United States, determined that Ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators — our chosen man, Premier Diem. The peasants watched and cringed as Diem ruthlessly routed out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords and refused even to discuss reunification with the north. The peasants watched as all this was presided over by U.S. influence and then by increasing numbers of U.S. troops who came to help quell the insurgency that Diem’s methods had aroused. When Diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictatorships seemed to offer no real change — especially in terms of their need for land and peace.
The only change came from America as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept and without popular support. All the while the people read our leaflets and received regular promises of peace and democracy — and land reform. Now they languish under our bombs and consider us – not their fellow Vietnamese — the real enemy. They move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. They know they must move or be destroyed by our bombs. So they go — primarily women and children and the aged.
“Somehow this madness must cease.”
They watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. They must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. They wander into the hospitals, with at least twenty casualties from American firepower for one “Vietcong-inflicted” injury. So far we may have killed a million of them — mostly children. They wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. They see the children, degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. They see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.
What do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? What do they think as we test our latest weapons on them, just as the Germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of Europe? Where are the roots of the independent Vietnam we claim to be building? Is it among these voiceless ones?
We have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. We have destroyed their land and their crops. We have cooperated in the crushing of the nation’s only non-Communist revolutionary political force — the Unified Buddhist church. We have supported the enemies of the peasants of Saigon. We have corrupted their women and children and killed their men. What liberators?
Now there is little left to build on — save bitterness. Soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call fortified hamlets. The peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new Vietnam on such grounds as these? Could we blame them for such thoughts? We must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. These too are our brothers.
Perhaps the more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies. What of the National Liberation Front — that strangely anonymous group we call VC or Communists? What must they think of us in America when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of Diem which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the south? What do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? How can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of “aggression from the north” as if there were nothing more essential to the war? How can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of Diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? Surely we must understand their feelings even if we do not condone their actions. Surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. Surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.
“We must continue to raise our voices if our nation persists in its perverse ways in Vietnam.”
How do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent Communist and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? What must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of Vietnam and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will have no part? They ask how we can speak of free elections when the Saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. And they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them — the only party in real touch with the peasants. They question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. Their questions are frighteningly relevant. Is our nation planning to build on political myth again and then shore it up with the power of new violence?
Here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence when it helps us to see the enemy’s point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. For from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.
So, too, with Hanoi. In the north, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. To speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in Western words, and especially their distrust of American intentions now. In Hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the Japanese and the French, the men who sought membership in the French commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of Paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. It was they who led a second struggle against French domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at Geneva. After 1954 they watched us conspire with Diem to prevent elections which would have surely brought Ho Chi Minh to power over a united Vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again.
When we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered. Also it must be clear that the leaders of Hanoi considered the presence of American troops in support of the Diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the Geneva agreements concerning foreign troops, and they remind us that they did not begin to send in any large number of supplies or men until American forces had moved into the tens of thousands.
“When machines and computers,
profit motives and property rights
are considered more important than people,
the giant triplets of
racism,
materialism
and militarism
are incapable of being conquered.”Hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier North Vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. Ho Chi Minh has watched as America has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard of the increasing international rumors of American plans for an invasion of the north. He knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. Perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor weak nation more than eight thousand miles away from its shores.
At this point I should make it clear that while I have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless on Vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called enemy, I am as deeply concerned about our troops there as anything else. For it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in Vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. We are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved. Before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among Vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy and the secure while we create hell for the poor.
This Madness Must Cease
Somehow this madness must cease. We must stop now. I speak as a child of God and brother to the suffering poor of Vietnam. I speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. I speak for the poor of America who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home and death and corruption in Vietnam. I speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. I speak as an American to the leaders of my own nation. The great initiative in this war is ours. The initiative to stop it must be ours.
This is the message of the great Buddhist leaders of Vietnam. Recently one of them wrote these words:
“Each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the Vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. The Americans are forcing even their friends into becoming their enemies. It is curious that the Americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat. The image of America will never again be the image of revolution, freedom and democracy, but the image of violence and militarism.”
“A nation that continues
year after year
to spend more money on military defense
than on programs of social uplift
is approaching spiritual death.”If we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in Vietnam. It will become clear that our minimal expectation is to occupy it as an American colony and men will not refrain from thinking that our maximum hope is to goad China into a war so that we may bomb her nuclear installations. If we do not stop our war against the people of Vietnam immediately the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horribly clumsy and deadly game we have decided to play.
The world now demands a maturity of America that we may not be able to achieve. It demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in Vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the Vietnamese people. The situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways.
In order to atone for our sins and errors in Vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war. I would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:
• End all bombing in North and South Vietnam
• Declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.
• Take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in Southeast Asia by curtailing our military buildup in Thailand and our interference in Laos.
• Realistically accept the fact that the National Liberation Front has substantial support in South Vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and in any future Vietnam government.
• Set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from Vietnam in accordance with the 1954 Geneva agreement.
Part of our ongoing commitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any Vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the Liberation Front. Then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done. We most provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country if necessary.
Protesting The War
Meanwhile we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful commitment. We must continue to raise our voices if our nation persists in its perverse ways in Vietnam. We must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative means of protest possible.
As we counsel young men concerning military service we must clarify for them our nation’s role in Vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. I am pleased to say that this is the path now being chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, Morehouse College, and I recommend it to all who find the American course in Vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. Moreover I would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors. These are the times for real choices and not false ones. We are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. Every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest.
“If we do not act
we shall surely be dragged down
the long and shameful corridors of time
reserved for those who possess
power without compassion,
might without morality,
and strength without sight.”There is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against the war in Vietnam. I say we must enter the struggle, but I wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing. The war in Vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the American spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality we will find ourselves organizing clergy-and laymen-concerned committees for the next generation. They will be concerned about Guatemala and Peru. They will be concerned about Thailand and Cambodia. They will be concerned about Mozambique and South Africa. We will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end unless there is a significant and profound change in American life and policy. Such thoughts take us beyond Vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living God.
In 1957 a sensitive American official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. During the past ten years we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which now has justified the presence of U.S. military “advisors” in Venezuela. This need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counter-revolutionary action of American forces in Guatemala. It tells why American helicopters are being used against guerrillas in Colombia and why American napalm and green beret forces have already been active against rebels in Peru. It is with such activity in mind that the words of the late John F. Kennedy come back to haunt us. Five years ago he said,
“Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.”
Increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken — the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investment.
I am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. We must rapidly begin the shift from a “thing-oriented” society to a “person-oriented” society. When machines and computers, profit motives and property rights are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.
A true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. On the one hand we are called to play the good Samaritan on life’s roadside; but that will be only an initial act. One day we must come to see that the whole Jericho road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life’s highway.
True compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar; it is not haphazard and superficial. It comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring. A true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. With righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the West investing huge sums of money in Asia, Africa and South America, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say: “This is not just.”
It will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of Latin America and say: “This is not just.”
The Western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just.
A true revolution of values will lay hands on the world order and say of war: “This way of settling differences is not just.”
This business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation’s homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into veins of people normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice and love. A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.
America, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values. There is nothing, except a tragic death wish, to prevent us from reordering our priorities, so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war. There is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood.
This kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against communism. War is not the answer. Communism will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons. Let us not join those who shout war and through their misguided passions urge the United States to relinquish its participation in the United Nations. These are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness. We must not call everyone a Communist or an appeaser who advocates the seating of Red China in the United Nations and who recognizes that hate and hysteria are not the final answers to the problem of these turbulent days. We must not engage in a negative anti-communism, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defense against communism is to take offensive action in behalf of justice. We must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity and injustice which are the fertile soil in which the seed of communism grows and develops.
The People Are Important
These are revolutionary times. All over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression and out of the wombs of a frail world new systems of justice and equality are being born. The shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before. “The people who sat in darkness have seen a great light.” We in the West must support these revolutions. It is a sad fact that, because of comfort, complacency, a morbid fear of communism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the Western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now become the arch anti-revolutionaries. This has driven many to feel that only Marxism has the revolutionary spirit. Therefore, communism is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions we initiated. Our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism. With this powerful commitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores and thereby speed the day when “every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight and the rough places plain.”
A genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must become ecumenical rather than sectional. Every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies.
This call for a world-wide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one’s tribe, race, class and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all men. This oft misunderstood and misinterpreted concept – so readily dismissed by the Nietzsches of the world as a weak and cowardly force – has now become an absolute necessity for the survival of man. When I speak of love I am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response. I am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life. Love is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality. This Hindu-Moslem-Christian-Jewish-Buddhist belief about ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the first epistle of Saint John:
Let us love one another; for love is God and everyone that loveth is born of God and knoweth God. He that loveth not knoweth not God; for God is love. If we love one another God dwelleth in us, and his love is perfected in us.
Let us hope that this spirit will become the order of the day. We can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation. The oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate. History is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate. As Arnold Toynbee says :
“Love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil. Therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word.”
We are now faced with the fact that tomorrow is today. We are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. In this unfolding conundrum of life and history there is such a thing as being too late. Procrastination is still the thief of time. Life often leaves us standing bare, naked and dejected with a lost opportunity. The “tide in the affairs of men” does not remain at the flood; it ebbs. We may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is deaf to every plea and rushes on. Over the bleached bones and jumbled residue of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words: “Too late.”
There is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or our neglect. “The moving finger writes, and having writ moves on…” We still have a choice today; nonviolent coexistence or violent co-annihilation.
We must move past indecision to action. We must find new ways to speak for peace in Vietnam and justice throughout the developing world – a world that borders on our doors. If we do not act we shall surely be dragged down the long dark and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without compassion, might without morality, and strength without sight.
Now let us begin. Now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter – but beautiful – struggle for a new world. This is the calling of the sons of God, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response. Shall we say the odds are too great? Shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? Will our message be that the forces of American life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets? Or will there be another message, of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of commitment to their cause, whatever the cost? The choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise we must choose in this crucial moment of human history.
As that noble bard of yesterday, James Russell Lowell, eloquently stated:
Once to every man and nation
Comes the moment to decide,
In the strife of truth and falsehood,
For the good or evil side;
Some great cause, God’s new Messiah,
Off’ring each the bloom or blight,
And the choice goes by forever
Twixt that darkness and that light.
Though the cause of evil prosper,
Yet ’tis truth alone is strong;
Though her portion be the scaffold,
And upon the throne be wrong:
Yet that scaffold sways the future,
And behind the dim unknown,
Standeth God within the shadow
Keeping watch above his own.
US forces in Afghanistan suffered an unprecedented setback this weekend when a suicide bomber was able to blow to smithereens a gathering of CIA operatives in an outpost in Khost Province. Seven agents were killed and six injured, and a great tragedy is that these covert deaths, like that of the security contractor killed with them, are not counted as official casualties of war, to weigh against the public conscience for us to wonder, was it worth it? These were professional killers and torturers whose names are now withheld to protect their families.
But some Americans –God bless them– will not be denied the deification of their downed warriors, and so some families have gone public about the loss of their mercenary kin. Thus we have names, and Facebook memorials, to the men and women who commit the clandestine crimes for which the rest of the world holds us accountable. But first, a word about what they were doing.
Forward Operating Base Chapman caught my attention because that’s the kind of military post which protects the celebrated school building projects of Greg Mortenson, and Khost Province is one of his territories. It turns out that the US Army is also busy [re]-building schools, and boasts 53 in Khost. Also, for reasons of deteriorating security, FOB Chapman was no longer housing US military, but instead was strictly for private firms contracted to the reconstruction, except now journalists are at liberty to say that the camp was always known to be “not regular” — code for CIA.
“Although Chapman was officially a camp for civilians involved in reconstruction, it was well-known locally as a CIA base. Over the past couple of years, it focused on gathering information on so-called high-value targets for drone attacks, the unmanned missile planes that have played a growing role in taking out suspected terrorists since President Barack Obama took office. The Haqqanis were their principal target.
” ‘That far forward they were almost certainly from the CIA’s paramilitary rather than analysts,’ said one agent.”
So FOB Chapman was used for a drone command post. Not controlling drones, but gathering intelligence about where to target their missiles. I’d be curious that what had been an “underground gym” for US soldiers, where the dozen CIA officers were meeting their informant/surprise-bomber, wasn’t being put to an altogether more menacing function by the CIA. Obviously on this particular occasion it was a briefing room/wake.
It’s conjectured that the CIA at FOB Chapman was targeted because the local Taliban had suffered one too many CIA drone attacks. Other accusations emerge that the CIA had recently killed Afghan detainees while in custody, in their effort to break the Haqqani network. One reporter’s source phrased it: “Those guys have recently been on a big Haqqani binge.”
The CIA is not releasing the name of the bomber, reportedly an informant “candidate,” but strangely his name is being reported in the Arabic press. He was a Jordanian doctor named Khalil Abu Hammam Mellal Al-Balawi, of the Beer Al-Saba’a family, codenamed “Abu Dajana Al-Kharasani,” a supervisor on the Al-Hisba internet forums, where so-called official al-Qaeda communications are regularly transmitted. His identity might explain how a visit with this “informant” warranted the attendance of a dozen agents, including a high ranking officer from Kabul and the Khost station chief.
The station chief was reported to have been an agent in Afghanistan for 14 years, since the days of the so-called Alec Station which was tasked with tracking the whereabouts of Osama bin Laden. She was a loving mother of three, so it’s possible her identity is being concealed until her family can be extracted from the region.
The first agent to be identified publicly was Harold Brown Jr., 37, of Bolton, Mass., whose father thought he worked for the State Department. Before the “State Department,” Brown worked for Science Applications International Corp.
The next to be identified was Scott Michael Roberson, 39, of Akron, Ohio. He was a policeman when he wasn’t a CIA security officer. Robertson co-founded the Metro Atlanta Police Emerald Society and was a member of the Iron Pigs, a national motorcycle club for police and firefighters.
Another of the CIA agents wasn’t American at all, but a member of the Jordanian royal family. The body of Capitan As-Sharif Ali bin Zeid Al Awn has been returned to Jordan with much pomp and ceremony, without an official report of the incidence of his death, the family unable to explain what he was doing in Afghanistan, except to deny accusations that he was employed by the CIA.
The lone non-CIA victim was security contractor and former Navy SEAL, Jeremy Jason Wise, 35, of Virginia Beach. Wrote the WSJ: “Today, the CIA and President Obama acknowledged that seven of those killed were CIA agents. No one would say who employed the eighth American.”
(Except he was really the seventh American, because one of the dead was a Jordanian.)
UPDATE: It’s now revealed that Jeremy Wise was employed by Xe/Blackwater, who admit now that two of the CIA victims were Blackwater.
With suicide bombers all over the news, from the successful to the pantywaist, as blogs spill over with nuke-em-all comments which reveal Americans seem perfectly comfortable with the idea that peoples are collectively accountable for the deeds of criminals among them.
Or the deeds of insurgents aka freedom fighters, about whom you or I might disagree.
US Blackwater goons for example, have been let off the hook for the Nisour Square atrocity in Iraq. According to our neoliberal world order, Iraq should be able to track miscreants with drones, and since we refuse to bring them to justice, lay waste entire American neighborhoods and schools if informants report they are nearby.
I’ve certainly always argued that Americans are all of us responsible for the crimes our government is committing. Even with our combatant criminals killed in battle, I’m not sure that the people who cheered them on don’t still owe their victims responsibility.
NMT’s in-house Situationist has been conceptualizing a way forward well expressed in this May 2009 interview of Raoul Vaneigem:
“We are being “offered” biofuels on the condition we agree to transgenic rapeseed farming. Eco-tourism will accelerate the plundering of our biosphere. Windmill farms are being built without any advantage to the consumers. Those are the areas where intervention is possible. Natural resources belong to us, they are free, they must be made to serve the freedom of life. It will be up to the communities to secure their own energy and food independence so as to free themselves from the control of the multinationals and their state vassals everywhere. Claiming natural power for our use means reclaiming our own existence first. Only creativity will rid us of work. …
Freeness is the only absolute weapon capable of shattering the mighty self-destruction machine set in motion by consumer society, whose implosion is still releasing, like a deadly gas, bottom-line mentality, cupidity, financial gain, profit, and predation. Museums and culture should be free, for sure, but so should public services, currently prey to the scamming multinationals and states. Free trains, buses, subways, free healthcare, free schools, free water, air, electricity, free power, all through alternative networks to be set up. As freeness spreads, new solidarity networks will eradicate the stranglehold of the commodity. This is because life is a free gift, a continuous creation that the market’s vile profiteering alone deprives us of.”
–Raoul Vaneigem, 2009
Interviewed by Hans Ulrich Obrist, for e-flux, Journal #6. See original article or the copy mirrored below:
In Conversation with Raoul Vaneigem
Hans Ulrich Obrist: I just visited Edouard Glissant and Patrick Chamoiseau, who have written an appeal to Barack Obama. What would your appeal and/or advice be to Obama?
Raoul Vaneigem: I refuse to cultivate any relationship whatsoever with people of power. I agree with the Zapatistas from Chiapas who want nothing to do with either the state or its masters, the multinational mafias. I call for civil disobedience so that local communities can form, coordinate, and begin self-producing natural power, a more natural form of farming, and public services that are finally liberated from the scams of government by the Left or the Right. On the other hand, I welcome the appeal by Chamoiseau, Glissant, and their friends for the creation of an existence in which the poetry of a life rediscovered will put an end to the deadly stranglehold of the commodity.
HUO: Could we talk about your beginnings? How did your participation in situationism begin, and what was your fundamental contribution? At the outset of your relationship with the SI, there was the figure of Henri Lefebvre. What did he mean to you at the time? Why did you decide to send him poetic essays?
RV: I would first like to clarify that situationism is an ideology that the situationists were unanimous in rejecting. The term “situationist” was ever only a token of identification. Its particularity kept us from being mistaken for the throngs of ideologues. I have nothing in common with the spectacular recuperation of a project that, in my case, has remained revolutionary throughout. My participation in a group that has now disappeared was an important moment in my personal evolution, an evolution I have personally pressed on with in the spirit of the situationist project at its most revolutionary. My own radicality absolves me from any label. I grew up in an environment in which our fighting spirit was fueled by working class consciousness and a rather festive conception of existence. I found Lefebvre’s Critique of Everyday Life captivating. When La Somme et le reste [The Sum and the Remainder] was published, I sent him an essay of sorts on “poetry and revolution” that was an attempt to unify radical concepts, Lettrist language, music, and film imagery by crediting them all with the common virtue of making the people’s blood boil. Lefebvre kindly responded by putting me in touch with Guy Debord who immediately invited me to Paris. The two of us had very different temperaments, but we would agree over a period of nearly ten years on the need to bring consumer society to an end and to found a new society on the principle of self-management, where life supersedes survival and the existential angst that it generates.
HUO: Which situationist projects remain unrealized?
RV: Psychogeography, the construction of situations, the superseding of predatory behavior. The radicality, which, notwithstanding some lapses, never ceased to motivate us, remains a source of inspiration to this day. Its effects are just beginning to manifest themselves in the autonomous groups that are now coming to grips with the collapse of financial capitalism.
HUO: The Situationist International defined the situationist as someone who commits her- or himself to the construction of situations. What were those situations for you, concretely? How would you define the situationist project in 2009?
RV: By its very style of living and thinking, our group was already sketching out a situation, like a beachhead active within enemy territory. The military metaphor is questionable, but it does convey our will to liberate daily life from the control and stranglehold of an economy based on the profitable exploitation of man. We formed a “group-at-risk” that was conscious of the hostility of the dominant world, of the need for radical rupture, and of the danger of giving in to the paranoia typical of minds under siege. By showing its limits and its weaknesses, the situationist experience can also be seen as a critical meditation on the new type of society sketched out by the Paris Commune, by the Makhnovist movement and the Republic of Councils wiped out by Lenin and Trotsky, by the libertarian communities in Spain later smashed by the Communist Party. The situationist project is not about what happens once consumer society is rejected and a genuinely human society has emerged. Rather, it illuminates now how lifestyle can supersede survival, predatory behavior, power, trade and the death-reflex.
HUO: You and Guy Debord are the main protagonists of the situationist movement. How do you see Debord’s role and your role?
RV: Not as roles. That is precisely what situationism in its most ridiculous version aims at: reducing us to cardboard cut-outs that it can then set up against one another according to the spectacle’s standard operating procedure. I am simply the spokesman, among others, of a radical consciousness. I just do what I can to see that resistance to market exploitation is transformed into an offensive of life, and that an art of living sweeps away the ruins of oppression.
HUO: What were your reasons for resigning from the group?
RV: Following the occupation movements of May 1968, we knew that some recuperation was afoot. We were familiar with the mechanisms of alienation that would falsify our ideas and fit them neatly into the cultural puzzle. It became clear to us, during the last conference in Venice, that we had failed to shatter those mechanisms, that in fact they were shattering us from the inside. The group was crumbling, the Venice conference was demonstrating its increasing uselessness, and the only answers put forward were commensurate with the self-parody we had fallen into. Dissension intensified to the point of paranoid denunciation: of betrayals of radicality, of breaches of revolutionary spirit, of dereliction of conscience. Those times of catharsis and anathema are now long past, and it might be useful to examine how it is that we sowed the seeds of failure for which the group ended up paying such a heavy price. The shipwreck, however, did not indiscriminately sweep away to the shores of oblivion all of us who participated in the adventure. The group vanished in such a way as to allow the individuals to either consolidate their radicality, disown it, or lapse into the imposture of radicalism. I have attempted to analyze our experimental adventure in Entre le deuil du monde et la joie de vivre [Between Mourning the World and Exuberant Life].
HUO: You have written a lot on life, not survival. What is the difference?
RV: Survival is budgeted life. The system of exploitation of nature and man, starting in the Middle Neolithic with intensive farming, caused an involution in which creativity—a quality specific to humans—was supplanted by work, by the production of a covetous power. Creative life, as had begun to unfold during the Paleolithic, declined and gave way to a brutish struggle for subsistence. From then on, predation, which defines animal behavior, became the generator of all economic mechanisms.
HUO: Today, more than forty years after May ‘68, how do you feel life and society have evolved?
RV: We are witnessing the collapse of financial capitalism. This was easily predictable. Even among economists, where one finds even more idiots than in the political sphere, a number had been sounding the alarm for a decade or so. Our situation is paradoxical: never in Europe have the forces of repression been so weakened, yet never have the exploited masses been so passive. Still, insurrectional consciousness always sleeps with one eye open. The arrogance, incompetence, and powerlessness of the governing classes will eventually rouse it from its slumber, as will the progression in hearts and minds of what was most radical about May 1968.
HUO: Your new book takes us on a trip “between mourning the world and exuberant life.” You revisit May ‘68. What is left of May ‘68? Has it all been appropriated?
RV: Even if we are today seeing recycled ideologies and old religious infirmities being patched up in a hurry and tossed out to feed a general despair, which our ruling wheelers and dealers cash in on, they cannot conceal for long the shift in civilization revealed by May 1968. The break with patriarchal values is final. We are moving toward the end of the exploitation of nature, of work, of trade, of predation, of separation from the self, of sacrifice, of guilt, of the forsaking of happiness, of the fetishizing of money, of power, of hierarchy, of contempt for and fear of women, of the misleading of children, of intellectual dominion, of military and police despotism, of religions, of ideologies, of repression and the deadly resolutions of psychic tensions. This is not a fact I am describing, but an ongoing process that simply requires from us increased vigilance, awareness, and solidarity with life. We have to reground ourselves in order to rebuild—on human foundations—a world that has been ruined by the inhumanity of the cult of the commodity.
HUO: What do you think of the current moment, in 2009? Jean-Pierre Page has just published Penser l’après crise [Thinking the After-Crisis]. For him, everything must be reinvented. He says that a new world is emerging now in which the attempt to establish a US-led globalization has been aborted.
RV: The agrarian economy of the Ancien Régime was a fossilized form that was shattered by the emerging free-trade economy, from the 1789 revolution on. Similarly, the stock-dabbling speculative capitalism whose debacle we now witness is about to give way to a capitalism reenergized by the production of non-polluting natural power, the return to use value, organic farming, a hastily patched-up public sector, and a hypocritical moralization of trade. The future belongs to self-managed communities that produce indispensable goods and services for all (natural power, biodiversity, education, health centers, transport, metal and textile production . . .). The idea is to produce for us, for our own use—that is to say, no longer in order to sell them—goods that we are currently forced to buy at market prices even though they were conceived and manufactured by workers. It is time to break with the laws of a political racketeering that is designing, together with its own bankruptcy, that of our existence.
HUO: Is this a war of a new kind, as Page claims? An economic Third World War?
RV: We are at war, yes, but this is not an economic war. It is a world war against the economy. Against the economy that for thousands of years has been based on the exploitation of nature and man. And against a patched-up capitalism that will try to save its skin by investing in natural power and making us pay the high price for that which—once the new means of production are created—will be free as the wind, the sun, and the energy of plants and soil. If we do not exit economic reality and create a human reality in its place, we will once again allow market barbarism to live on.
HUO: In his book Making Globalization Work, Joseph Stiglitz argues for a reorganization of globalization along the lines of greater justice, in order to shrink global imbalances. What do you think of globalization? How does one get rid of profit as motive and pursue well-being instead? How does one escape from the growth imperative?
RV: The moralization of profit is an illusion and a fraud. There must be a decisive break with an economic system that has consistently spread ruin and destruction while pretending, amidst constant destitution, to deliver a most hypothetical well-being. Human relations must supersede and cancel out commercial relations. Civil disobedience means disregarding the decisions of a government that embezzles from its citizens to support the embezzlements of financial capitalism. Why pay taxes to the bankster-state, taxes vainly used to try to plug the sinkhole of corruption, when we could allocate them instead to the self-management of free power networks in every local community? The direct democracy of self-managed councils has every right to ignore the decrees of corrupt parliamentary democracy. Civil disobedience towards a state that is plundering us is a right. It is up to us to capitalize on this epochal shift to create communities where desire for life overwhelms the tyranny of money and power. We need concern ourselves neither with government debt, which covers up a massive defrauding of the public interest, nor with that contrivance of profit they call “growth.” From now on, the aim of local communities should be to produce for themselves and by themselves all goods of social value, meeting the needs of all—authentic needs, that is, not needs prefabricated by consumerist propaganda.
HUO: Edouard Glissant distinguishes between globality and globalization. Globalization eradicates differences and homogenizes, while globality is a global dialogue that produces differences. What do you think of his notion of globality?
RV: For me, it should mean acting locally and globally through a federation of communities in which our pork-barreling, corrupt parliamentary democracy is made obsolete by direct democracy. Local councils will be set up to take measures in favor of the environment and the daily lives of everyone. The situationists have called this “creating situations that rule out any backtracking.”
HUO: Might the current miscarriages of globalization have the same dangerous effects as the miscarriages of the previous globalization from the ‘30s? You have written that what was already intolerable in ‘68 when the economy was booming is even more intolerable today. Do you think the current economic despair might push the new generations to rebel?
RV: The crisis of the ‘30s was an economic crisis. What we are facing today is an implosion of the economy as a management system. It is the collapse of market civilization and the emergence of human civilization. The current turmoil signals a deep shift: the reference points of the old patriarchal world are vanishing. Percolating instead, still just barely and confusedly, are the early markers of a lifestyle that is genuinely human, an alliance with nature that puts an end to its exploitation, rape, and plundering. The worst would be the unawareness of life, the absence of sentient intelligence, violence without conscience. Nothing is more profitable to the racketeering mafias than chaos, despair, suicidal rebellion, and the nihilism that is spread by mercenary greed, in which money, even devalued in a panic, remains the only value.
HUO: In his book Utopistics, Immanuel Wallerstein claims that our world system is undergoing a structural crisis. He predicts it will take another twenty to fifty years for a more democratic and egalitarian system to replace it. He believes that the future belongs to “demarketized,” free-of-charge institutions (on the model, say, of public libraries). So we must oppose the marketization of water and air.1 What is your view?
RV: I do not know how long the current transformation will take (hopefully not too long, as I would like to witness it). But I have no doubt that this new alliance with the forces of life and nature will disseminate equality and freeness. We must go beyond our natural indignation at profit’s appropriation of our water, air, soil, environment, plants, animals. We must establish collectives that are capable of managing natural resources for the benefit of human interests, not market interests. This process of reappropriation that I foresee has a name: self-management, an experience attempted many times in hostile historical contexts. At this point, given the implosion of consumer society, it appears to be the only solution from both an individual and social point of view.
HUO: In your writing you have described the work imperative as an inhuman, almost animal condition. Do you consider market society to be a regression?
RV: As I mentioned above, evolution in the Paleolithic age meant the development of creativity—the distinctive trait of the human species as it breaks free from its original animality. But during the Neolithic, the osmotic relationship to nature loosened progressively, as intensive agriculture became based on looting and the exploitation of natural resources. It was also then that religion surfaced as an institution, society stratified, the reign of patriarchy began, of contempt for women, and of priests and kings with their stream of wars, destitution, and violence. Creation gave way to work, life to survival, jouissance to the animal predation that the appropriation economy confiscates, transcends, and spiritualizes. In this sense market civilization is indeed a regression in which technical progress supersedes human progress.
HUO: For you, what is a life in progress?
RV: Advancing from survival, the struggle for subsistence and predation to a new art of living, by recreating the world for the benefit of all.
HUO: My interviews often focus on the connections between art and architecture/urbanism, or literature and architecture/urbanism. Could you tell me about the Bureau of Unitary Urbanism?
RV: That was an idea more than a project. It was about the urgency of rebuilding our social fabric, so damaged by the stranglehold of the market. Such a rebuilding effort goes hand in hand with the rebuilding by individuals of their own daily existence. That is what psychogeography is really about: a passionate and critical deciphering of what in our environment needs to be destroyed, subjected to détournement, rebuilt.
HUO: In your view there is no such thing as urbanism?
RV: Urbanism is the ideological gridding and control of individuals and society by an economic system that exploits man and Earth and transforms life into a commodity. The danger in the self-built housing movement that is growing today would be to pay more attention to saving money than to the poetry of a new style of life.
HUO: How do you see cities in the year 2009? What kind of unitary urbanism for the third millennium? How do you envision the future of cities? What is your favorite city? You call Oarystis the city of desire. Oarystis takes its inspiration from the world of childhood and femininity. Nothing is static in Oarystis. John Cage once said that, like nature, “one never reaches a point of shapedness or finishedness. The situation is in constant unpredictable change.”2 Do you agree with Cage?
RV: I love wandering through Venice and Prague. I appreciate Mantua, Rome, Bologna, Barcelona, and certain districts of Paris. I care less about architecture than about how much human warmth its beauty has been capable of sustaining. Even Brussels, so devastated by real estate developers and disgraceful architects (remember that in the dialect of Brussels, “architect” is an insult), has held on to some wonderful bistros. Strolling from one to the next gives Brussels a charm that urbanism has deprived it of altogether. The Oarystis I describe is not an ideal city or a model space (all models are totalitarian). It is a clumsy and naïve rough draft for an experiment I still hope might one day be undertaken—so I agree with John Cage. This is not a diagram, but an experimental proposition that the creation of an environment is one and the same as the creation by individuals of their own future.
HUO: Is Oarystis based on natural power, like the Metabolist cities? Rem Koolhaas and I are working on a book on the Japanese Metabolists. When I read your wonderful text on Oarystis, I was reminded of that movement from the 1960s, especially the floating cities, Kikutake’s water cities. Is Oarystis a Metabolist city?
RV: When Oarystis was published, the architect Philippe Rothier and Diane Hennebert, who ran Brussels’ Architecture Museum at the time, rightly criticized me for ignoring the imaginative projects of a new generation of builders. Now that the old world is collapsing, the fusion of free natural power, self-built housing techniques, and the reinvention of sensual form is going to be decisive. So it is useful to remember that technical inventiveness must stem from the reinvention of individual and collective life. That is to say, what allows for genuine rupture and ecstatic inventiveness is self-management: the management by individuals and councils of their own lives and environment through direct democracy. Let us entrust the boundless freedoms of the imaginary to childhood and the child within us.
HUO: Several years ago I interviewed Constant on New Babylon. What were your dialogues with Constant and how do you see New Babylon today?
RV: I never met Constant, who if I am not mistaken had been expelled before my own association with the SI. New Babylon’s flaw is that it privileges technology over the formation of an individual and collective way of life—the necessary basis of any architectural concept. An architectural project only interests me if it is about the construction of daily life.
HUO: How can the city of the future contribute to biodiversity?
RV: By drawing inspiration from Alphonse Allais, by encouraging the countryside to infiltrate the city. By creating zones of organic farming, gardens, vegetable plots, and farms inside urban space. After all, there are so many bureaucratic and parasitical buildings that can’t wait to give way to fertile, pleasant land that is useful to all. Architects and squatters, build us some hanging gardens where we can go for walks, eat, and live!
HUO: Oarystis is in the form of a maze, but it is also influenced by Venice and its public piazzas. Could you tell us about the form of Oarystis?
RV: Our internal space-time is maze-like. In it, each of us is at once Theseus, Ariadne, and Minotaur. Our dérives would gain in awareness, alertness, harmony, and happiness if only external space-time could offer meanders that could conjure up the possible courses of our futures, as an analogy or echo of sorts—one that favors games of life, and prevents their inversion into games of death.
HUO: Will museums be abolished? Could you discuss the amphitheater of memory? A protestation against oblivion?
RV: The museum suffers from being a closed space in which works waste away. Painting, sculpture, music belong to the street, like the façades that contemplate us and come back to life when we greet them. Like life and love, learning is a continuous flow that enjoys the privilege of irrigating and fertilizing our sentient intelligence. Nothing is more contagious than creation. But the past also carries with it all the dross of our inhumanity. What should we do with it? A museum of horrors, of the barbarism of the past? I attempted to answer the question of the “duty of memory” in Ni pardon, ni talion [Neither Forgiveness Nor Retribution]:
Most of the great men we were brought up to worship were nothing more than cynical or sly murderers. History as taught in schools and peddled by an overflowing and hagiographic literature is a model of falsehood; to borrow a fashionable term, it is negationist. It might not deny the reality of gas chambers, it might no longer erect monuments to the glory of Stalin, Mao or Hitler, but it persists in celebrating the brutish conqueror: Alexander, called the Great—whose mentor was Aristotle, it is proudly intoned—Julius Caesar, Genghis Khan, Tamerlane, Napoleon, the throngs of generals, slaughterers of peoples, petty tyrants of the city or the state, torturer–judges, Javerts of every ilk, conniving diplomats, rapists and killers contracted by religions and ideologies; so much high renown carved from baseness, wickedness, and abjection. I am not suggesting we should unpave the avenues of official history and pave the side alleys instead. We are not in need of a purged history, but of a knowledge that scoops out into broad daylight facts that have been obscured, generation after generation, by the unceasing stratification of prejudice. I am not calling for a tribunal of the mind to begin condemning a bunch of undesirables who have been bizarrely put up on pedestals and celebrated in the motley pantheons of official memory. I just want to see the list of their crimes, the mention of their victims, the recollection of those who confronted them added to the inventory of their unsavory eulogies. I am not suggesting that the name of Francisco Ferrer wipe out that of his murderer, Alfonso XIII, but that at the very least everything be known of both. How dare textbooks still cultivate any respect for Bonaparte, responsible for the death of millions, for Louis XIV, slaughterer of peasants and persecutor of Protestants and freethinkers? For Calvin, murderer of Jacques Gruet and Michel Servet and dictator of Geneva, whose citizens, in tribute to Sébastien Castellion, would one day resolve to destroy the emblems and signs of such an unworthy worship? While Spain has now toppled the effigies of Francoism and rescinded the street names imposed by fascism, we somehow tolerate, towering in the sky of Paris, that Sacré-Coeur whose execrable architecture glorifies the crushing of the Commune. In Belgium there are still avenues and monuments honoring King Leopold II, one of the most cynical criminals of the nineteenth century, whose “red rubber” policy—denounced by Mark Twain, by Roger Casement (who paid for this with his life), by Edward Dene Morel, and more recently by Adam Hochschild—has so far bothered nary a conscience. This is a not a call to blow up his statues or to chisel away the inscriptions that celebrate him. This is a call to Belgian and Congolese citizens to cleanse and disinfect public places of this stain, the stain of one of the worst sponsors of colonial savagery. Paradoxically, I do tend to believe that forgetting can be productive, when it comes to the perpetrators of inhumanity. A forgetting that does not eradicate remembering, that does not blue-pencil memory, that is not an enforceable judgment, but that proceeds rather from a spontaneous feeling of revulsion, like a last-minute pivot to avoid dog droppings on the sidewalk. Once they have been exposed for their inhumanity, I wish for the instigators of past brutalities to be buried in the shroud of their wrongs. Let the memory of the crime obliterate the memory of the criminal.
3HUO: Learning is deserting schools and going to the streets. Are streets becoming Thinkbelts? Cedric Price’s Potteries Thinkbelt used abandoned railroads for pop-up schools. What and where is learning today?
RV: Learning is permanent for all of us regardless of age. Curiosity feeds the desire to know. The call to teach stems from the pleasure of transmitting life: neither an imposition nor a power relation, it is pure gift, like life, from which it flows. Economic totalitarianism has ripped learning away from life, whose creative conscience it ought to be. We want to disseminate everywhere this poetry of knowledge that gives itself. Against school as a closed-off space (a barrack in the past, a slave market nowadays), we must invent nomadic learning.
HUO: How do you foresee the twenty-first-century university?
RV: The demise of the university: it will be liquidated by the quest for and daily practice of a universal learning of which it has always been but a pale travesty.
HUO: Could you tell me about the freeness principle (I am extremely interested in this; as a curator I have always believed museums should be free—Art for All, as Gilbert and George put it).
RV: Freeness is the only absolute weapon capable of shattering the mighty self-destruction machine set in motion by consumer society, whose implosion is still releasing, like a deadly gas, bottom-line mentality, cupidity, financial gain, profit, and predation. Museums and culture should be free, for sure, but so should public services, currently prey to the scamming multinationals and states. Free trains, buses, subways, free healthcare, free schools, free water, air, electricity, free power, all through alternative networks to be set up. As freeness spreads, new solidarity networks will eradicate the stranglehold of the commodity. This is because life is a free gift, a continuous creation that the market’s vile profiteering alone deprives us of.
HUO: Where is love in Oarystis?
RV: Everywhere. The love affair, as complex as it is simple, will serve as the building block for the new solidarity relations that sooner or later will supersede selfish calculation, competition, competitiveness, and predation, causes of our societies’ dehumanization.
HUO: Where is the city of the dead? In a forest rather than a cemetery?
RV: Yes, a forest, an auditorium in which the voices of the dead will speak amidst the lushness of nature, where life continuously creates itself anew.
HUO: Have you dreamt up other utopian cities apart from Oarystis? Or a concrete utopia in relation to the city?
RV: No, but I have not given up hope that such projects might mushroom and be realized one day, as we begin reconstructing a world devastated by the racketeering mafias.
HUO: In 1991 I founded a Robert Walser museum, a strollological museum, in Switzerland. I have always been fascinated by your notion of the stroll. Could you say something about your urban strolls with and without Debord? What about Walser’s? Have other strollologists inspired you?
RV: I hold Robert Walser in high regard, as many do. His lucidity and sense of dérive enchanted Kafka. I have always been fascinated by the long journey Hölderlin undertook following his break-up with Diotima. I admire Chatwin’s Songlines, in which he somehow manages to turn the most innocuous of walks into an intonation of the paths of fate, as though we were in the heart of the Australian bush. And I appreciate the strolls of Léon-Paul Fargue and the learning of Héron de Villefosse. My psychogeographic dérives with Guy Debord in Paris, Barcelona, Brussels, Beersel, and Antwerp were exceptional moments, combining theoretical speculation, sentient intelligence, the critical analysis of beings and places, and the pleasure of cheerful drinking. Our homeports were pleasant bistros with a warm atmosphere, havens where one was oneself because one felt in the air something of the authentic life, however fragile and short-lived. It was an identical mood that guided our wanderings through the streets, the lanes and the alleys, through the meanderings of a pleasure that our every step helped us gauge in terms of what it might take to expand and refine it just a little further. I have a feeling that the neighborhoods destroyed by the likes of Haussmann, Pompidou, and the real estate barbarians will one day be rebuilt by their inhabitants in the spirit of the joy and the life they once harbored.
HUO: What possibilities do you see for disalienation and détournement in 2009?
RV: This is a time of unprecedented chaos in material and moral conditions. Human values are going to have to compensate for the effects of the only value that has prevailed so far: money. But the implosion of financial totalitarianism means that this currency, which has so tripped us up, is now doomed to devaluation and a loss of all meaning. The absurdity of money is becoming concrete. It will gradually give way to new forms of exchange that will hasten its disappearance and lead to a gift economy.
HUO: What are the conditions for dialogue in 2009? Is there a way out of this system of isolation?
RV: Dialogue with power is neither possible nor desirable. Power has always acted unilaterally, by organizing chaos, by spreading fear, by forcing individuals and communities into selfish and blind withdrawal. As a matter of course, we will invent new solidarity networks and new intervention councils for the well-being of all of us and each of us, overriding the fiats of the state and its mafioso-political hierarchies. The voice of lived poetry will sweep away the last remaining echoes of a discourse in which words are in profit’s pay.
HUO: In your recent books you discuss your existence and temporality. The homogenizing forces of globalization homogenize time, and vice versa. How does one break with this? Could you discuss the temporality of happiness, as a notion?
RV: The productivity- and profit-based economy has implanted into lived human reality a separate reality structured by its ruling mechanisms: predation, competition and competitiveness, acquisitiveness and the struggle for power and subsistence. For thousands of years such denatured human behaviors have been deemed natural. The temporality of draining, erosion, tiredness, and decay is determined by labor, an activity that dominates and corrupts all others. The temporality of desire, love, and creation has a density that fractures the temporality of survival cadenced by work. Replacing the temporality of money will be a temporality of desire, a beyond-the-mirror, an opening to uncharted territories.
HUO: Is life ageless?
RV: I don’t claim that life is ageless. But since survival is nothing but permanent agony relieved by premature death, a renatured life that cultivates its full potential for passion and creation would surely achieve enough vitality to delay its endpoint considerably.
HUO: The Revolution of Everyday Life was a trigger for May ’68, and you have stated in other interviews that it is your key book that you are continually rewriting. Was the book an epiphany? How did it change the course of your work? What had you been doing previously?
RV: The book was prompted by an urgent need I was feeling at the time for a new perspective on the world and on myself, to pull me out of my state of survival, by means other than through suicide. This critical take on a consumer society that was corrupting and destroying life so relentlessly made me aware and conscious of my own life drive. And it became clear to me very quickly that this wasn’t a purely solipsistic project, that many readers were finding their own major concerns echoed there.
HUO: The Revolution of Everyday Life ends on an optimistic note: “We have a world of pleasures to win, and nothing to lose but boredom.”4 Are you still an optimist today?
RV: “Pessimists, what is it you were hoping for?,” Scutenaire wrote. I am neither a pessimist nor an optimist. I try to remain faithful to a principle: desire everything, expect nothing.
HUO: What is the most recent version of the book?
RV: Entre le deuil du monde et la joie de vivre [Between Mourning the World and Exuberant Life].
HUO: What book are you working on at the moment?
RV: I would love to have the resources to complete a Dictionary of Heresies, so as to clarify and correct the historical elements included in The Movement of the Free Spirit and Resistance to Christianity.
HUO: The question of temporality also brings us to Proust and his questionnaire (see inset). What might your definition of happiness be in 2009?
RV: Living ever more intensely and passionately in an ever more intense world. To those who sneer at my ecstatic candor, I reply with a phrase that brings me great comfort: “The desire for an other life is that life already.”5
HUO: Do you have unrealized projects? Unrealized books, unrealized projects in fields other than writing, unrealized architectural projects?
RV: My priority is to live better and better in a world that is more and more human. I would love to build the “urban countryside” of Oarystis, but I’m not just waiting patiently, like Fourier at the Palais Royal, for some billionaire to decide to finance the project only to lose everything to the financial crash a minute later.
HUO: What about your collaborations with other artists, painters, sculptors, designers, filmmakers?
RV: I don’t collaborate with anyone. At times I have offered a few texts to artist friends, not as a commentary on their work but as a counterpoint to it. Art moves me when, in it, I can sense its own overcoming, something that goes beyond it; when it nurtures a trace of life that blossoms as a true aspiration, the intuition of a new art of living.
HUO: Could you tell me about Brussels? What does Brussels mean to you? Where do you write?
RV: I live in the country, facing a garden and woods where the rhythm of the seasons has retained its beauty. Brussels as a city has been destroyed by urbanists and architects who are paid by real estate developers. There are still a few districts suitable for nice walks. I am fond of a good dozen wonderful cafés where one can enjoy excellent artisanal beers.
HUO: Do you agree with Geremek’s view that Europe is the big concern of the twenty-first century?
RV: I am not interested in this Europe ruled by racketeering bureaucracies and corrupt democracies. And regions only interest me once they are stripped of their regionalist ideology and are experiencing self-management and direct democracy. I feel neither Belgian nor European. The only homeland is a humanity that is at long last sovereign.
HUO: You have used a lot of pseudonyms. Je est un autre [I is an other]? How do you find or choose pseudonyms? How many pseudonyms have you used? Is there a complete list?
RV: I don’t keep any kind of score. I leave it up to the inspiration of the moment. There is nothing secret about using a pseudonym. Rather, it is about creating a distance, most often in commissioned work. This allows me to have some fun while alleviating my enduring financial difficulties, which I have always refused to resolve by compromising with the world of the spectacle.
HUO: A book that has been used by many artists and architects has been your Dictionnaire de citations pour servir au divertissement et a l’intelligence du temps [Dictionary of Quotations for the Entertainment and Intelligence of Our Time]. Where did that idea come from?
RV: It was a suggestion from my friend Pierre Drachline, who works for the Cherche Midi publishing house.
HUO: You have often criticized environmental movements who try to replace existing capitalism with capitalism of a different type. What do you think of Joseph Beuys? What non-capitalist project or movement do you support?
RV: We are being “offered” biofuels on the condition we agree to transgenic rapeseed farming. Eco-tourism will accelerate the plundering of our biosphere. Windmill farms are being built without any advantage to the consumers. Those are the areas where intervention is possible. Natural resources belong to us, they are free, they must be made to serve the freedom of life. It will be up to the communities to secure their own energy and food independence so as to free themselves from the control of the multinationals and their state vassals everywhere. Claiming natural power for our use means reclaiming our own existence first. Only creativity will rid us of work.
HUO: Last but not least, Rilke wrote that wonderful little book of advice to a young poet. What would your advice be to a young philosopher-writer in 2009?
RV: To apply to his own life the creativity he displays in his work. To follow the path of the heart, of what is most alive in him.
Translated from the French by Eric Anglès
ACACIA PARK, 5PM- COLORADANS FOR PEACE are not alone urging President Obama to escalate his attention to the antiwar mandate given him by the American voters. Michael Moore & Keith Olbermann have made eleventh hour pleas, and the nation’s prominent antiwar activists signed a collective letter to President Obama (see below). Here are the national organizations taking to the streets tomorrow:
United Against Afghan Escalation, Women Say No To War (Code Pink), No Escalation in Afghanistan (UFPJ), Veterans Oppose Troop Build-up (IVAW), US Labor Against War, A.N.S.W.E.R., Stop the Escalation (World Can’t Wait), American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), Just Foreign Policy, Pax Christi USA, Peace Action, Progressive Democrats of America, The Peace and Justice Resource Center and Voters for Peace.
The letter composed by the National Assembly:
President Barack Obama?
The White House?Washington, D.C.
November 30, 2009Dear President Obama,
With millions of U.S. people feeling the fear and desperation of no longer having a home; with millions feeling the terror and loss of dignity that comes with unemployment; with millions of our children slipping further into poverty and hunger, your decision to deploy thousands more troops and throw hundreds of billions more dollars into prolonging the profoundly tragic war in Afghanistan strikes us as utter folly. We believe this decision represents a war against ordinary people, both here in the United States and in Afghanistan. The war in Afghanistan, if continued, will result in the deaths of hundreds if not thousands of U.S. troops, and untold thousands of Afghans.Polls indicate that a majority of those who labored with so much hope to elect you as president now fear that you will make a wrong decision — a tragic decision that will destroy their dreams for America. More tragic is the price of your decision. It will be paid with the blood, suffering and broken hearts of our young troops, their loved ones and an even greater number of Afghan men, women and children.
The U.S. military claims that this war must be fought to protect U.S. national security, but we believe it is being waged to expand U.S. empire in the interests of oil and pipeline companies.
Your decision to escalate U.S. troops and continue the occupation will cause other people in other lands to despise the U.S. as a menacing military power that violates international law. Keep in mind that to most of the peoples of the world, widening the war in Afghanistan will look exactly like what it is: the world’s richest nation making war on one of the world’s very poorest.
The war must be ended now. Humanitarian aid programs should address the deep poverty that has always been a part of the life of Afghan people.
We will keep opposing this war in every nonviolent way possible. We will urge elected representatives to cut all funding for war. Some of us will be led to withhold our taxes, practice civil resistance, and promote slowdowns and strikes at schools and workplaces.
In short, President Obama, we will do everything in our power, as nonviolent peace activists, to build the kind of massive movement –which today represents the sentiments of a majority of the American people–that will play a key role in ending U.S. war in Afghanistan.
Such would be the folly of a decision to escalate troop deployment and such is the depth of our opposition to the death and suffering it would cause.
Sincerely, (Signers names listed in alphabetical order)
Jack Amoureux, Executive Committee
Military Families Speak OutMichael Baxter
Catholic Peace FellowshipMedea Benjamin, Co-founder
Global ExchangeFrida Berrigan
Witness Against TortureElaine Brower
World Can’t WaitLeslie Cagan, Co-Founder
United for Peace and JusticeTom Cornell
Catholic Peace FellowshipMatt Daloisio
War Resisters LeagueMarie Dennis, Director
Maryknoll Office for Global ConcernsRobby Diesu
Our Spring BreakPat Elder, Co-coordinator
National Network Opposing Militarization of YouthMike Ferner, President
Veterans For PeaceJoy First, Convener
National Campaign for Nonviolent ResistanceSara Flounders, Co-Director
International Action CenterSunil Freeman
ANSWER Coalition, Washington, D.C.Diana Gibson, Coordinator
Multifaith Voices for Peace and JusticeJerry Gordon, Co-Coordinator
National Assembly To End Iraq and Afghanistan Wars and OccupationRabbi Lynn Gottlieb
Shomer Shalom Network for Jewish NonviolenceDavid Hartsough
Peaceworkers San FranciscoMike Hearington, Steering Committee
Georgia Peace and Justice Coalition, AtlantaLarry Holmes, Coordinator
Troops Out Now CoalitionMark C. Johnson, Ph.D., Executive Director
Fellowship of ReconciliationHany Khalil
War TimesKathy Kelly, Co-Coordinator
Voices for Creative NonviolenceLeslie Kielson , Co-Chair
United for Peace and JusticeMalachy Kilbride
National Campaign for Nonviolent ResistanceAdele Kubein, Executive Committee
Military Families Speak OutJeff Mackler, Co-Coordinator
National Assembly to End Iraq and Afghanistan Wars and OccupationsImam Abdul Malik Mujahid, Chair-Elect
World Parliament of ReligionMichael T. McPhearson, Executive Director
Veterans For PeaceGael Murphy, Co-founder
Code PinkMichael Nagler, Founder
Metta Center for NonviolenceMax Obuszewski, Director
Baltimore Nonviolence CenterPete Perry
Peace of the ActionDave Robinson, Executive
Director Pax Christi USATerry Rockefeller
September 11th Families For Peaceful TomorrowsSamina Sundas, Founding Executive Director
American Muslim VoiceDavid Swanson
AfterDowningStreet.orgCarmen Trotta
Catholic WorkerNancy Tsou, Coordinator
Rockland Coalition for Peace and JusticeKevin Zeese
Voters for Peace
And Michael Moore’s letter:
An Open Letter to President Obama from Michael Moore
Monday, November 30th, 2009
Dear President Obama,
Do you really want to be the new “war president”? If you go to West Point tomorrow night (Tuesday, 8pm) and announce that you are increasing, rather than withdrawing, the troops in Afghanistan, you are the new war president. Pure and simple. And with that you will do the worst possible thing you could do — destroy the hopes and dreams so many millions have placed in you. With just one speech tomorrow night you will turn a multitude of young people who were the backbone of your campaign into disillusioned cynics. You will teach them what they’ve always heard is true — that all politicians are alike. I simply can’t believe you’re about to do what they say you are going to do. Please say it isn’t so.
It is not your job to do what the generals tell you to do. We are a civilian-run government. WE tell the Joint Chiefs what to do, not the other way around. That’s the way General Washington insisted it must be. That’s what President Truman told General MacArthur when MacArthur wanted to invade China. “You’re fired!,” said Truman, and that was that. And you should have fired Gen. McChrystal when he went to the press to preempt you, telling the press what YOU had to do. Let me be blunt: We love our kids in the armed services, but we f*#&in’ hate these generals, from Westmoreland in Vietnam to, yes, even Colin Powell for lying to the UN with his made-up drawings of WMD (he has since sought redemption).
So now you feel backed into a corner. 30 years ago this past Thursday (Thanksgiving) the Soviet generals had a cool idea — “Let’s invade Afghanistan!” Well, that turned out to be the final nail in the USSR coffin.
There’s a reason they don’t call Afghanistan the “Garden State” (though they probably should, seeing how the corrupt President Karzai, whom we back, has his brother in the heroin trade raising poppies). Afghanistan’s nickname is the “Graveyard of Empires.” If you don’t believe it, give the British a call. I’d have you call Genghis Khan but I lost his number. I do have Gorbachev’s number though. It’s + 41 22 789 1662. I’m sure he could give you an earful about the historic blunder you’re about to commit.
With our economic collapse still in full swing and our precious young men and women being sacrificed on the altar of arrogance and greed, the breakdown of this great civilization we call America will head, full throttle, into oblivion if you become the “war president.” Empires never think the end is near, until the end is here. Empires think that more evil will force the heathens to toe the line — and yet it never works. The heathens usually tear them to shreds.
Choose carefully, President Obama. You of all people know that it doesn’t have to be this way. You still have a few hours to listen to your heart, and your own clear thinking. You know that nothing good can come from sending more troops halfway around the world to a place neither you nor they understand, to achieve an objective that neither you nor they understand, in a country that does not want us there. You can feel it in your bones.
I know you know that there are LESS than a hundred al-Qaeda left in Afghanistan! A hundred thousand troops trying to crush a hundred guys living in caves? Are you serious? Have you drunk Bush’s Kool-Aid? I refuse to believe it.
Your potential decision to expand the war (while saying that you’re doing it so you can “end the war”) will do more to set your legacy in stone than any of the great things you’ve said and done in your first year. One more throwing a bone from you to the Republicans and the coalition of the hopeful and the hopeless may be gone — and this nation will be back in the hands of the haters quicker than you can shout “tea bag!”
Choose carefully, Mr. President. Your corporate backers are going to abandon you as soon as it is clear you are a one-term president and that the nation will be safely back in the hands of the usual idiots who do their bidding. That could be Wednesday morning.
We the people still love you. We the people still have a sliver of hope. But we the people can’t take it anymore. We can’t take your caving in, over and over, when we elected you by a big, wide margin of millions to get in there and get the job done. What part of “landslide victory” don’t you understand?
Don’t be deceived into thinking that sending a few more troops into Afghanistan will make a difference, or earn you the respect of the haters. They will not stop until this country is torn asunder and every last dollar is extracted from the poor and soon-to-be poor. You could send a million troops over there and the crazy Right still wouldn’t be happy. You would still be the victim of their incessant venom on hate radio and television because no matter what you do, you can’t change the one thing about yourself that sends them over the edge.
The haters were not the ones who elected you, and they can’t be won over by abandoning the rest of us.
President Obama, it’s time to come home. Ask your neighbors in Chicago and the parents of the young men and women doing the fighting and dying if they want more billions and more troops sent to Afghanistan. Do you think they will say, “No, we don’t need health care, we don’t need jobs, we don’t need homes. You go on ahead, Mr. President, and send our wealth and our sons and daughters overseas, ’cause we don’t need them, either.”
What would Martin Luther King, Jr. do? What would your grandmother do? Not send more poor people to kill other poor people who pose no threat to them, that’s what they’d do. Not spend billions and trillions to wage war while American children are sleeping on the streets and standing in bread lines.
All of us that voted and prayed for you and cried the night of your victory have endured an Orwellian hell of eight years of crimes committed in our name: torture, rendition, suspension of the bill of rights, invading nations who had not attacked us, blowing up neighborhoods that Saddam “might” be in (but never was), slaughtering wedding parties in Afghanistan. We watched as hundreds of thousands of Iraqi civilians were slaughtered and tens of thousands of our brave young men and women were killed, maimed, or endured mental anguish — the full terror of which we scarcely know.
When we elected you we didn’t expect miracles. We didn’t even expect much change. But we expected some. We thought you would stop the madness. Stop the killing. Stop the insane idea that men with guns can reorganize a nation that doesn’t even function as a nation and never, ever has.
Stop, stop, stop! For the sake of the lives of young Americans and Afghan civilians, stop. For the sake of your presidency, hope, and the future of our nation, stop. For God’s sake, stop.
Tonight we still have hope.
Tomorrow, we shall see. The ball is in your court. You DON’T have to do this. You can be a profile in courage. You can be your mother’s son.
We’re counting on you.
Yours,
Michael Moore
Americans aren’t accustomed to seeing their adversaries as human. The victims of our wars remain faceless and nameless, and maybe as a consequence we accept that our military “doesn’t do body counts.” Not only do we minimize the number of civilians we kill, but their deaths are commodified as “collateral.” Our military proxy in the Middle East does the same. In last year’s attack on Gaza, Israel calculated its casualties in three digits. Those killed behind the confines of Gaza may be faceless to Americans and Israelis, but they leave behind loved ones and dependents, and of course, they had names.
The IDF dismiss the 1415 victims as Palestinian propaganda. But here are their names. Notice, it is not enough that the dead be identified, but each name is accompanied with their address, and location where the death can be verified. Not only must Palestinian civilians mourn their loved ones, they have to account for them.
This list is made available by the Palestinian Center for Human Rights and commemorates “The Dead in the course of the Israeli recent military offensive on the Gaza strip between 27 December 2008 and 18 January 2009.”
The victims are listed in order of casualty, grouped by date. Each person has a number, for those counting in the West, as well as name, sex, age, vocation, home address, date of attack if different from date of death, location of attack if different from address, and designation as militant if not purely civilian. I can’t find fault with those Gazans who took up arms against an indiscriminate incursion into their homes and neighborhoods.
——————————————-
PALESTINIAN CENTRE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
???????? ??????? ?????????? ??????????
2
Reziq Jamal Reziq al- Haddad
Male 21 Policeman
al-Sha’af / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
3
Ali Mohammed Jamil Abu Riala
Male 24 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
4
Ahmed Mohammed Ahmed Badawi
Male 27 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Al-Mashtal Intelligence Outpost/ Gaza
5
Mahmoud Khalil Hassan Abu Harbeed
Male 31 Policeman
Martyr Bassil Naim Street/ Beit Hanoun
Al-Mashtal Intelligence Outpost/ Gaza
6
Fadia Jaber Jabr Hweij
Female 22 Student
Al-Tufah / Gaza
7
Mohammed Jaber Jabr Hweij
Male 19 Student
Al-Tufah / Gaza
8
Nu’aman Fadel Salman Hejji
Male 56 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Tal al-Hawa
9
Riyad Omar Murjan Radi
Male 24 Student
Yarmouk Street / Gaza
Al-Sena’a Street / Gaza
10
Mumtaz Mohammed Ramiz al-Banna
Male 37 Policeman
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
11
Ahmed Hamdi Youssef al-Dreimly
Male 26 Policeman
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Saraya Security Service Compound/ Gaza
12
Fares Isma’il Helmi al-‘Ashy
Male 28 Policeman
Remal/ Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
13
Naser Mahmoud Mas’oud Hammouda
Male 35
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Wa’ed Society for Prisoners / Gaza
Militant
14
Munir Amin Mass’oud Hammouda
Male 32
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Wa’ed Society for Prisoners / Gaza
Militant
15
Ahmed Adnan Hamdi Hammouda
Male 25
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Wa’ed Society for Prisoners / Gaza
Militant
16
Ibrahim Mahmoud Abdul Hafiz al-Farra
Male 23 Policeman
Khan Younis
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
17
Mohammed Abdul Karim Ramadan al- ‘Aklouk
Male 24 Policeman
Jabalyia / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
18
‘Ali Marwan ‘Ali Abu Rabi’a
Male 21 Student /UNRWA
Gaza Training college
Rimal/ Gaza
Al-Sena’a Street/ Gaza
19
Ra’ed Nazmi Mohammed Dughmosh
Male 36 Policeman
Dughmosh area / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
20
Munir Mansour Ahmed Esbeita
Male 25 Policeman
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
21
Deya’a Talal Kamel al- Habil
Male 22 Policeman
al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Near al-Katiba Mosque/ Gaza
22
Mayssara Hamed Mohammed Bulbul
Male 21 Policeman
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
23
Nazik Hassan Yasin Abu Raia
Female 28 Policewoman
Tal al-Za’atar area/ Northern Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza
24
Khamis Mustafa Mahmoud Abu Ramadan
Male 52 Driver
Near Abu Iskandar Roundabout / Gaza
Near al-Shifa Hospital / Gaza
25
Mahmoud Mtaw’e Mahmoud al-Khaldi
Male 39 Policeman
Al -Jala’a Street / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
26
Mohammed Khamis
Male 27 Policeman
Gaza airport area / Al-‘Abbas Police Gaza
Hassan Habbush behind al-Quds international Hotel/ Gaza Station/ Gaza
27
Shadi Jawad Khalil Qweider
Male 24 Policeman
Al-Daraj / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
28
Jihad Ziyad Badawi al-Gharabli
Male 24 Policeman
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
29
Mohammed Khamis Mohammed Baker (Zughra)
Male 21 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Al-‘Abbas Police Station / Gaza
30
Ahmed Mohammed Nafez Abu Hadayed
Male 21 Policeman
Khan Younis
Presidential Compound / Gaza
31
Rafiq Musa Abu ‘Ujeirim
Male 30 Policeman
Khan Younis
32
Haneen Wa’el Dhaban
Female 15 Student
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza
Near Preventive Security HQ / Gaza
33
Adham Hamdy Al-‘Udeini
Male 19 Student/UNRWA Gaza Training College
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
Al-Sena’a Street/ Gaza
34
Wafa’a Marwan ‘Ali al-Dsouqi
Female 18 Student/UNRWA Gaza Training College
Khan Younis
Al-Sena’a Street/ Gaza
35
‘Allam Nehru Jawdat al-Rayyes
Male 18 Student
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Al-Sena’a Street/ Gaza
36
Hisham Mohammed Shehada Seyam
Male 27
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Militant
37
Ehab Abdullah Mohammed Hamdan
Male 21 Policeman
Bir al-Na’aja / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
38
Na’im Reziq Hassan Jendeya
Male 27 Jobless
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza
Militant
39
Iyad Ziyad Fares Jaber
Male 32 Jobless
Al-Daraj / Gaza
Al-Tufah
40
Diab Rebhi Diab al-Haddad
Male 20 Policeman
Al-Tufah / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
41
Mohammed Tawfiq Mohammed al-Nemra
Male 22 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
42
Ziyad ‘Adel Mustafa al-Najjar
Male 24 Policeman
Khan Younis
Presidential Compound / Gaza
43
Sa’ad Mohammed ‘Antar Esleem
Male 28 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Al-Katiba Mosque/Gaza
44
Mohammed Ziyad Sadiq al-Nabih
Male 27 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
45
Hatem Khader Mohammed ‘Aiyad
Male 30 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
46
Nizar Ibrahim Mohammed al-Deiry
Male 34 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza
47
Mohammed Baker Mohammed al-Nims
Male 31 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Near al-Katiba Mosque / Gaza
48
Mohammed Nabil Mohammed Barghouth
Male 28 Policeman
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
presidential compound / Gaza
49
Mahmoud Mohammed Hilmy al-‘Amarin
Male 28 Policeman
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza
50
Muhannad Hussein Moussa Abu Draz
Male 28 Policeman
Abasan al-Kabira / Khan Younis
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Militant
51
‘Umar Baker Musa Shamaly
Male 23 Policeman
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
52
Abdul Kader Mohammed Abdul Kader Diab
Male 33 Policeman
Tal al- Hawa / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
53
Hamed Fou’ad Shehda Abu Yasin
Male 24 Policeman
Al-Twam area /’Amer housing project / near al-Mashtal Intelligence Outpost
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
54
Baha’a Zuheir ‘Adel al- Khaldi
Male 26 Policeman
Tal al-Za’atar area / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
55
Mahmoud Juma’a Mohammed al-Labban
Male 20 Policeman
Al-Naser / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
56
Yahya Ibrahim Abdul Jawad Diab
Male 30 Worker
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Wa’ed Society for Prisoners / Gaza
Militant
57
Yasmin Wa’el Dhaban
Female 17 Student
Tal al -Hawa / Gaza
58
Abdul Hamid Jamal Khaled al-Sawi
Male 15 Student
Al-Tufah / Gaza
59
Akram Mohammed Ahmed Abu Zriba
Male 32 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
60
Ramadan Ahmed Ibrahim Abu Kheir
Male 23 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
61
Adib Hassan Abdul ‘Aziz Abu Harb
Male 32 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp /Gaza
Al-’Abbas Police Station / Gaza
62
Ahmed Hani Ahmed Qannou’a
Male 24 Policeman
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
63
Salim Khalil al-Banna
Male 24 Policeman
Al-Naser District
Presidential Compound / Gaza
64
Tha’er Mohammed Hassan Madhi
Male 22 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
65
Mohammed Sa’adi Mohammed al-Qatati
Male 30 Driver
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
66
‘Aisha Suleiman Hammad Rafi’
Female 52 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
67
Hussam Sa’id Mohammed Seyam
Male 27 Policeman
Sheikh Radwan / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
68
Mohammed Ahmed Mahmoud al-Adgham
Male 25 Policeman
Sheikh Radwan / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
69
Fayez Mohammed Abed Eqteifan
Male 45 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
70
Hammam Mohammed Moussa Mohammed al-Najjar
Male 24 Policeman
Rimal / Gaza
Al-Mashtal Intelligence Outpost/ Gaza
71
Wisam Abdul Majid Ibrahim al- Quqa
Male 27 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
72
Farouq Fou’ad Mohammed Esleem
Male 21 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Al-Mashtal Intelligence Outpost/ Gaza
73
‘Imad Abdul Mu’in Abdullah al-Barbari
Male 22 Employee
Yarmouk Street / Gaza
Al-Nafaq Street / Gaza
74
Salah Mohammed Saleh al-Kheiry
Male 23 Policeman
Sheikh Radwan / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
75
Ahmed Mohammed Shreiteh al-Kurd
Male 35 Policeman
Beit Lahiya / near al-Mashtal Intelligence Outpost
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
76
Sabri Jebril Sabri al-Rafati
Male 26 Policeman
Al-Mashahra neighborhood / Gaza
Al-’Abbas Police Station / Gaza
77
Amjad Maher Ahmed Mushtaha
Male 28 Policeman
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
78
Mohammed Amin Mass’oud Hammouda
Male 25 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Wa’ed Society for Prisoners / Gaza
Militant
79
Belal Mohammed Hussein ‘Umar
Male 20 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
80
Bassam Issa Qasem al-‘Akkawi
Male 27 Policeman
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza
81
Yahya Ibrahim Farouq al-Hayek
Male 13 Student
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza
82
Mohammed Talal Kamel al-Habil
Male 20 Student
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Near al- Katiba Mosque / Gaza
83
Abdul Rahman Nizar Zuhdi Shahato
Male 22 Policeman
Northern Rimal/ Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza
84
Suhaib Fawzi Salman Abdul ‘Al
Male 28 Policeman
Yarmouk Street / near Yarmouk Mosque/ Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
85
Yousif Rafiq Mohammed al-Deiri
Male 33 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
86
Maher Isma’il Diab ‘Azzam
Male 37 Policeman
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Al-Katiba Mosque / Gaza
87
Rami Jihad Mohammed al-Salut
Male 27 Medical lab. Specialist/
Military Medical Services
Sheikh Radwan / Gaza
Near al-Shifa Hospital / Gaza
88
Mohammed Abdul Kader Mubarak Saleh
Male 26 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
89
Mohammed Abdul Wahhab Abdul Rahman ‘Aziz
Male 20 Policeman
Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
90
Yehia ‘Awni ‘Awad Muheisen
Male 30 Policeman
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
91
Hisham Nehru Jawdat al-Rayyes
Male 25 UNRWA
Gaza Training College\ Gaza
Al-Sena’a Street/ Gaza
92
Jamil Nasri Mohammed Abdul- ‘Al
Male 28 Policeman
Al Yarmouk Street/ Gaza
Ansar Security Service Compound
93
‘AliYahia Mohammed Banat
Male 31 Policeman
Al-Jala’a Street / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
94
Mansour Yaser Mohammed al-Turk
Male 29 Policeman
Rimal / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
95
Hussam Mohammed Hammad al-Majayda
Male 26 Policeman
Khan Younis
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
96
Fayez Fayeq Ahmed Abu al-Qumsan
Male 20 Policeman
Jabalyia / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
97
Walid Jabr Mohammed Abu Hein
Male 37 Policeman
Juhr al-Dik / Gaza
Saraya Security Service Compound/ Gaza
98
Naser Abdullah Sha’aban al-Gharra
Male 46 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
99
Mohammed ‘Adnan Salim ‘Attallah
Male 26 Policeman
Rimal/ Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza
100
Tala’at Mukhlis Khalaf Basal
Male 19 Policeman
Al-Tufah / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
101
Sha’alan, Abdul Latif Khalil Abdul Salam
Male 33 Policeman
Al-Jala’a Street / Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza
102
Majed Tawfiq Mohammed Mteir
Male 46 Policeman
Al-Naser / Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza
103
‘Ammar Khamis ‘Umar al-Lad’a
Male 25 Policeman
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
104
Wa’el Mohammed Marzouq al-Sha’er
Male 24 Policeman
Khan Younis
Presidential Compound / Gaza
105
Mohammed Zuheir al-‘Aydi Abu Sha’aban
Male 20 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza
106
Ibrahim Yousif Ahmed Nofal
Male 42 Policeman
Al-Naser / Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza
107
Jaber Jabr Ibrahim Hweij
Male 51 Al-Tufah/ Gaza
108
Rami ‘Amer Deeb Abdul Halim
Male 18
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
109
Wa’el Samir ‘Ali al-Hawajri
Male 33 Policeman
Tal al-Za’atar area / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
110
Hisham Salim Abu ‘Ajwa
Male 48 Policeman
Al-Naser / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
111
Ala’a Fadel Mohmmed ‘Afana
Male 23 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Al-’Abbas Police Station / Gaza
112
Ra’afat Ahmed ‘Oda ‘Eqeilan
Male 32 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
113
Tawfiq Jabr Mohammed Yousif
Male 47 Policeman
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
114
Ahmed Abdul Majid Hussein Abu ‘Oda
Male 21 Policeman
Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City/ Middle Gaza
115
Hassan Isma’il Hassan Abu Shanab
Male 26 Policeman
Sheikh Radwan / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
116
Abdul Rahman Ahmed Khamis aL-Shweiki
Male 22 Policeman
Al-Daraj / Gaza
117
Ra’afat Nabil Sha’aban Shameya
Male 28 Policeman
Sheikh Radwan / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
118
Amjad Kamel Abu Jazar
Male 26 Policeman
Khan Younis
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
119
Mansour Abdullah Sha’aban Al-Gharra
Male 42 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
120
Ra’ed Mohammed Mohammed Al-Najjar
Male 32 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
121
Nahiz Salim ‘Awwad Abu Namous
Male 20 Policeman
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
122
Basil Jihad Mohammed Dababish
Male 33 Policeman
Sheikh Radwan / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
123
‘Asim Ahmed Hassan al-Sha’er
Male 27 Policeman
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza
124
Sami Tayseer al-Sayed al-Halabi
Male 27 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Al-Mashtal Intelligence Outpost/ Gaza
125
Mohammed Jamil ‘Ateya Abu Hajjaj
Male 42 Policeman
Khan Younis
Presidential Compound / Gaza
126
Mohammed Khaled Asa’ad Shuheibar
Male 22 Policeman
Yarmouk Street / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
127
Mohammed Jamil ‘Ateya Abu Juha
Male 43 Policeman
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
128
Abdul Salam Isma’il Mohammed Al-Reba’i
Male 49 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza
129
Abdullah Munther Jawdat al-Rayyes
Male 20 Seller in computers shop
Al-Sabra / Gaza
130
Mohammed Mansour Abdul Karim Nayfa
Male 21 Policeman
Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
131
Na’im ‘Ashour Ahmed Al Ghifary
Male 36 Policeman
Al-Sahaba Street/ Al-Daraj / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
132
Mohammed Hafiz Mohammed al-Kharoubi
Male 22 Policeman
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
133
Mohammed Salah Hassan al-Sawaf
Male 28 Policeman
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Al-Kattiba area / Gaza
134
Mustafa Mohammed Mustafa al-Sabbagh
Male 20 Policeman
Al-Tufah / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
135
Sharaf Mohammed Abu Shammala
Male 22 Policeman
Khan Younis
Presidential Compound / Gaza
136
Ahmed Mohammed Jamil Ba’alousha
Male 21 Policeman
Yarmouk Street / Gaza
Al-Nafaq Street / Gaza
137
Yousif Fawzi Salman Abdul ‘Al
Male 19 Worker
Yarmouk Street / Gaza
Al-Mashtal Intelligence Outpost/ Gaza
138
Mohammed Subhi Isma’il Aal-Maqadma
Male 34 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
139
Baha’a Nahid Fawzi Sukeik
Male 28
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
140
Suheil Mohammed Naser Tanbura
Male 43 Policeman
Aslan Neighborhood/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
141
Abdul Samia’ Mohammed Abdullah Eal-Nashar
Male 35 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
142
Fayez Riyad Fayez al-Madhoun
Male 33 Policeman
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
143
Isma’il Ibrahim al- Ja’abari
Male 36 Policeman
Khan Younis
Presidential Compound / Gaza
144
Hisham Mohammed Ali Abu Sharar
Male 40 Policeman
Aa-Tufah / Gaza
Near al-Katiba Mosque / Gaza
145
Ahmed Abdul Kader Ibrahim al-Haddad
Male 27 Policeman
Aa-Tufah / Gaza
Ansar Security Service Compound / Gaza
146
Tamer Mohammed ‘Asafa
Male 28 Policeman
Deir Al-Balah – Albrook area / Middle of the Gaza Strip
147
Rabi’ Mahmoud al-Muzayan
Male 29 Policeman
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
148
Mohammed Salem Mohammed Abu ‘Abda
Male 29 Policeman
Block 7 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
149
Isma’il Mohammed Suleiman al-‘Awawda
Male 24 Policeman
Block 6/ al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
150
Samir ‘Ubeid ‘Ali al-‘Awawda
Male 30 Policeman
Block 6/ al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City / Middle Gaza
151
‘Uday Abdul Hakim Rajab Mansi
Male 6 Student
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
152
kamilia Ra’afat al-Bardini
Female 13 Student
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
Wadi al-Salqa Village / Middle Gaza
153
Ibrahim Abdul Salam Mohammed Abu al-Rous
Male 24 Policeman
Block 6 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
154
Wisam Ibrahim ‘Ayyash
Male 22 Policeman
Albrook / Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
155
‘Awwad Nafez ‘Awwad al-Qatshan
Male 24 Policeman
Maqbula area/ al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
156
Mohammed Yahya Mhanna
Male 21 Policeman
Al-Brook / Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
157
Suheib Mohammed ‘Asafa
Male 21 Policeman
Al-Brook / Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
158
Hakim Rajab Mansi
Male 32 Farmer /
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
159
Hassan Sa’adi Hamdan Abu ‘Arbas
Male 20 Policeman
Al-Brook / Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
160
‘Umar Sa’id ‘Umar al-Lahham
Male 22 Policeman
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
161
Ahmed Salah Ahmed al-Lahham
Male 23 Policeman
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
162
Shadi Mohammed Fayez ‘Ateya
Male 34 Policeman
Al-Sahaba Street/ Al-Daraj / Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza
163
Yaser Mohammed Deeb al-Lahham
Male 32 Policeman
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
164
Wasim Ibrahim Hassan ‘Azara
Male 23 Policeman
Block 7/ al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
Abu Meddein Police Station
165
Anas Sbeih Abdullah Abu Nar
Male 23 Policeman
Al-Zahra’a City / Middle Gaza
166
Hussam Abdullah Ibrahim al-Sane’
Male 27 Policeman
Nuseirat New Refugee Camp / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City/ Middle Gaza
167
‘Imad Abdul Hamid Mohammed Abu al-Haj
Male 38 Policeman
Al-Bahnasawi area/ Nuseirat Camp / Middle Gaza
168
Mohammed Mesbah Hussein Hamad
Male 23 Policeman
Nuseirat Refugee Camp 1 / Middle Gaza
169
Mohammed Isma’il Abed al-Ghamri
Male 23 Policeman
Block D/ al-Maghazi / Middle Gaza
170
Zaki Ibrahim Mohammed Dweik
Male 45 Policeman
Block 12 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
171
Ramzi Rajab Khader Tanjara
Male 26 Policeman
Block 6 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
172
Khaled Abdul Fattah Ali Abu Hasna
Male 42 Policeman
Block 3 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
173
Ibrahim Abdul Rahman Jbeil Zu’rub
Male 28 Worker in ex-settlements
Palestine Mosque /Zu’rub neighborhood / Khan Younis
ex-settlements/west of Younis Khan
174
Samer Heidar Hussein al-Qreinawi
Male 21 Policeman
Block 7 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City / Middle Gaza
175
Ahmed Mohammed Salama al-Qreinawi
Male 37 Policeman
Block 7 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
176
Tamer Heidar Hussein al-Qreinawi
Male 22 Policeman
Block 7 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
177
Majdi Nader Juma’a Jabr
Male 21 Policeman
Block 7 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
178
Ahmed Abdul Ghani, Khalil Kullab
Male 70 Jobless
Block 7 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
179
‘Issam Nabil Mohammed al-Gherbawi
Male 24 Policeman
Block 6 /al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
180
Usama Hassan Mohammed Abu al-Rish
Male 44 Worker
Block D /al-Maghazi / Middle Gaza
Al-Tufah
181
Ala’a Nasri Mohammed al-Ra’i
Male 30 Policeman
Nuseirat Refugee Camp 1 / Middle Gaza
182
Mohammed Ibrahim Abdul Rahman Abu ‘Amer
Male 22 Policeman
Near Nuseirat Martyrs Clinic/ Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
183
Abdullah Salim Aal-Lahham
Male 19 Policeman
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
Militant
Militant
184
Abdul Rahman Nazmi Abdul Rahman Hamdan
Male 23 Policeman
Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
Abu Meddein Police Station / Middle Gaza
185
Mahmoud Hisham ‘Azmi Abu Dalal
Male 22 Policeman
Near Abu Dalal Supermarket/ Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City/ Middle Gaza
186
‘Azmi Hisham ‘Azmi Abu Dalal
Male 26 Medic / Military Medical Services
Near Abu Dalal Supermarket/ Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City/ Middle Gaza
187
Khaled Yousif Jabr Shahin
Male 40 Policeman
Nuseirat Refugee Camp 2 / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City/ Middle Gaza
188
Abed Mohammed Salem al-Shaf’i
Male 24 Worker
Near al-Salama Petrol Station, near Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
189
Haitham Fadel Muhareb Hamdan
Male 28 Policeman
Abu Slim area near Nuseirat Refugee Camp 2/ Middle Gaza
190
Shadi Abdul Majid Abdul Jalil al-Sabakhi
Male 29 Policeman
Near Nuseirat Martyrs Clinic/ Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
191
Usama Abdul Fattah Khamis Fadel
Male 44 Jobless
Block 12 /al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
Abu Meddein Police Station
192
Ibrahim Hassan Ibrahim al-Jamal
Male 26 Policeman
Near Abu Meddein Police Station in Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
193
Yousif Mohammed Mahmoud Diab
Male 35 Policeman
Nuseirat Refugee camp 2 / Middle Gaza
194
Abdul Hakim Ahmed Abdul Fattah Abu Sharaf
Male 28 Policeman
Nuseirat Refugee camp 2 / Middle Gaza
195
Ala’a Addin Ibrahim Abdul Rahim al-Qatarawi
Male 22 Policeman
Nuseirat Refugee Camp 2/ Middle Gaza
196
Abdul Karim Sa’id Abdul Karim Wahba
Male 25 Policeman
Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
197
Mohammed Abdul Fattah Ahmed al-Qatarawi
Male 36 Policeman
Al-Kala’aboush area, behind the al-Qassam Mosque/ Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City/ Middle Gaza
198
Tawfiq Ali Hassan al-fallit
Male 51 Employee
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
199
Mustafa Yousif Mustafa al-Khatib
Male 26 Policeman
Nuseirat Refugee Camp 2 / Middle Gaza
200
‘Umar Ahmed Hassan Abu Sa’id
Male 24 Policeman
East of al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
201
Mohammed Khalil Jarid Zu’rub
Male 26 Employee
Khan Younis
ex-settlement of Gadid/ southwest of Khan Younis
202
‘Adnan Ahmed al-Bheisi
Male 27 Policeman Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City/ Middle Gaza
203
Ahmed Jamal Ahmed Aal-Nuri
Male 29 Policeman
Block 7/al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
Deir Al-Balah / Middle Gaza
204
Mohammed Hisham Salem Zahra
Male 21 Policeman
Block 7/al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
205
Abdullah Mohammed Ibrahim al-Ghaffari
Male 59 Jobless
Block 12/al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
206
Ahmed Reyad Mohammed al-Sinwar
Male 3
Behind the civil Defense service site/ al-Zahra City / Middle Gaza
207
Thiab Abed Issa Hamid
Male 50 Policeman
Bloc C/ Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
Abu Meddein Police Station / Middle Gaza
208
Nemer Ahmed Abdullah Amum
Male 101 Farmer
Block 4 / al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
209
Abdul Karim Isma’il ‘Ali Abu Jarbou’a
Male 46 Policeman
Al-Zawaida area / Middle Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza
210
Rami Suleiman Ahmed Abu al-Sheikh
Male 26 Policeman
Behind schools compound area in al-Maghazi / Middle Gaza
Al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
211
Na’im, Aal-Sayed Abed Rabbu Mbit
Male 30 Policeman
Block 4/ al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
212
Mohammed ‘Awad Yousif ‘Awad
Male 27 Policeman
Block 3 / al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
213
Mohammed Ahmed Abdul Rahman Tabasha
Male 27 Policeman al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
214
Ghassan Mahmoud Isma’il Abu ‘Awwad
Male 32 Policeman
Block D in al-Maghazi / Middle Gaza
Presidential Compound / Gaza
215
Ashraf Hamada Mustafa Abu Qwiek
Male 21 Policeman
Block 4 / al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
Deir Al-Balah / Middle Gaza
216
Ma’moun Mohammed Ahmed Aal-Sayed Msallam
Male 22 Policeman
Block 4 / al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
217
Mazen Mahmoud Abdul Aziz ‘Aleyan
Male 35 Policeman
Block 4 / al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra Police Station/ Middle Gaza
218
Hassan Atallah Mohammed Abdullah
Male 40 Worker
Tal al-Sultan / Rafah
Al-Mawasi area/ Rafah
219
‘Asem Mohammed Sa’id Abu Kmeil
Male 28 Policeman
AlMughraqa area/ Middle Gaza
220
Tala’at Mahmoud Salman Salman
Male 39 Worker
JabaliyaRefugee camp/ Northern Gaza
Civil Administration HQ/ Northern Gaza
221
Reziq Mahmoud Salman Salman
Male 24 Policeman
Block 5/ JabaliyaRefugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Force 17 Site/ Northern Gaza
222
Annan Saber Ayoub Ghalya
Male 25 Policeman
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Force 17 Site/ Northern Gaza
223
Ali Hassan Ahmed al-Mabhouh
Male 26 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Navy Site/ Northern Gaza
224
Yousif Tayseer Harb Sha’aban
Male 19 Student
Al-Juneina neighborhood / Rafah
Al-Talatini Street/ Gaza
225
Isma’il Jihad Isma’il Ghneim
Male 24 Policeman
JabaliyaRefugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
Force 17 Site/ Northern Gaza
226
Ni’ma Ali Ahmed al-Mghari
Female 18 Student in UNRWA Gaza Training School
Al-Bahar Street / Rafah
UNRWA Gaza Training College/ Gaza
227
‘Imran Isma’il Darwish al-Run
Male 24 Policeman
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Force 17 Site/ Northern Gaza
228
Baha’a Samir ‘Oda Abu Zuhri
Male 19 Student
‘Awad Building in al-Juneina neighborhood / Rafah
UNRWA Gaza Training College/ Gaza
229
Ahmed Samih Shehada al-Halabi
Male 19 Student in UNRWA Gaza Training School
Gaza Block M / Rafah
UNRWA Gaza Training College/ Gaza
230
Mohammed Mahmoud Hammad al-Najra
Male 46 Policeman
Al-Hashash area / Rafah
Nuseirat/ Middle Gaza
231
Salem Ahmed Salem Abu Shamla
Male 35 Jobless
Near the Police Station/ Al-Maghazi / Middle Gaza
Al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
232
Hashim Faris Hashim ‘Uweida
Male 33 Engineer
Khan Younis
Ex-Settlement of Gadid/ southwest of Khan Younis
233
Wa’el Abdul Karim Shehda al-Raqab
Male 32 Policeman
Bani Suheila village/ Khan Younis
Western Khan Younis Police Station/ Khan Younis
234
Ahmed Maher Ahmed Abu Mussa
Male 22 Policeman
Al-Amal neighborhood / Khan Younis
Western Khan Younis Police Station/ Khan Younis
235
Mahmoud Majid al-‘Abed Abu Tyour
Male 18 Student in UNRWA Gaza Training School
Block N / Rafah
UNRWA Gaza Training College/ Gaza
236
Ayman Hamed Ahmed Abu Ammuna
Male 38 Jobless
JabaliyaRefugee Camp / Norther Gaza
Civil Administration/ Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant
237
Mohammed Na’im Shakshak
Male 23 Policeman
Khan Younis
Presidential Compound/ Gaza
238
‘Ammar ‘Oda Faraj Shamali
Male 23 Policeman
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Presidential Compound/ Gaza
239
Ibrahim Shafiq Shabat
Male 24 Employee in Paltel company
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
Al-Amal neighborhood/ Northern Gaza
240
Ibrahim Shafiq Ali Abdul Hadi
Male 23 worker
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
241
Ayman Hussein Ahmed Ahmed
Male 41 Employee in Paltel company
JabaliyaRefugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Near Civil Adminstration HQ/ Northern Gaza
242
Mahmoud Ahmed al-Najjar
Male 48 Employee in Paltel.
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Near Civil Adminstration HQ/ Northern Gaza
243
Ahmed Naser Ahmed Tbeil
Male 24 Policeman
JabaliyaRefugee Camp/ North Gaza
Force 17 Site/ Northern Gaza
244
Ali Abdul Rahim Mohammed ‘Awad
Male 24 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Force 17 Site/ Northern Gaza
245
‘Umar Salman Salim Darawsha
Male 27 Employee
Qarara village – Khan Younis
Ex-settlement of Gadid/ southwest of Khan Younis
246
Hussein Ahmed Hussein Daoud
Male 26 Policeman
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
247
Sarah Eid Ali al-Hawwajri
Female 57
Izbat Abed Rabbu / Northern Gaza
Civil Adminstration HQ/ Northern Gaza
248
Mahmoud Jamil Fakhri al-Khaldi
Male 26 Policeman
Tal al-Za’atar area /Jabalyia / Northern Gaza
Force 17 Site/ Northern Gaza
249
Mysara Mohammed Mohammed ‘Udwan
Female 48 Housewife
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
Al-Amal neighborhood/ Northern Gaza
250
Mahmoud Fou’ad Ahmed Abu Matar
Male 38 Policeman
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Navy Site/ Northern Gaza
251
Mohammed Aal-Desouqi Kamel Hammad Asaleya
Male 27 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Navy Site/ Northern Gaza
252
Yousif Ibrahim Mohammed Thary
Male 33 Policeman
Haifa Street / Northern Gaza
Force 17 Site/ Northern Gaza
253
Khalil, Mahmoud Abed Aal-Kurd
Male 49 Employee in PalTel.
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Near Civil Adminstration HQ/ Northern Gaza
254
Hassan Salem Hammed al-Rahhal
Male 50
Al-Maghazi / Middle Gaza
al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
255
Zeyad Daoud ‘Oda Abu ‘Eyada
Male 33 Policeman
Shaboura Refugee Camp / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah
256
Heidar Mahmoud Mohammed Hassouna
Male 36 Policeman
Tal al-Sultan / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah
257
Ayman Fou’ad Eid al-Nahhal
Male 22 Policeman
Khirbat al-‘Adas village / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah
258
Hamdan Khamis Rabi’ Abu Nqeira
Male 32 Policeman
Shaboura Refugee Camp / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah
259
Anas Fawzi Nafez Hamad
Male 23 Policeman
Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
260
Ahmed Abdullah Salem Al-Khatib
Male 26 Nurse in the Military Medical Services
Tal al-Sultan / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah
261
Hamada Ahmed Msallam Abu Daqqa
Male 22 Policeman
Khan Younis
Internal Security HQ/ west of Khan Younis
262
Mohammed Fou’ad Abu Sabra
Male 19 Policeman
Al-Salam Street / Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
263
Qareeb ‘Umar ‘Abid
Male 32 Lawyer
Shaboura Refugee Camp / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah
264
Shehada Abdul Rahman Hussein Kuffa
Male 50 Policeman
Block 2 / al-Maghazi / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City/ Middle Gaza
265
Hatem Adnan Abu Sha’ira
Male 27 Policeman
Al-Zawaida area / Middle Gaza
Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
266
Nizar ‘Ateya Hassan Abu Salem
Male 35 Policeman
Nuseirat New Refugee Camp/ Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra City/ Middle Gaza
267
Abdullah Talal Ibrahim Aal-Sane’
Male 27 Policeman
Nuseirat New Camp / Middle Gaza
Presidential Compound/ Gaza
268
Arafat Faraj Allah Sleiman Faraj Allah
Male 37 Policeman
Nuseirat New Refugee Camp / Middle Gaza
269
Isma’il Ahmed Mohammed Salem (Hamdan)
Male 34 Policeman
Near the Ahli Club in Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
270
Yousif Ibrahim Mohammed Thabet
Male 18 Jobless
Gaza
271
Mohammed Yunis Abu Libda
Male 23 Policeman
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
272
Khaled Radwan Ali Inshasi
Male 24 Member of the al-Qassam Brigades
Al-Namsawi neighborhood/ Khan Younis
A site of the al-Qassam Brigades in Khan Youni
273
Suleiman Subhi Mohammed al-Ghariz
Male 50 Policeman
Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
274
Hamdan Qasim Abdullah Safi
Male 45 Employee
Khan Younis
Ex-settlement of Netser Hazani/ Khan Younis
275
Khaled Sami Tarraf al-Astal
Male 14 Student
Al-Satar/ Khan Younis
Ex-settlement of Netser Hazani/ Khan Younis
276
Shaker Fayez Salim al-Zeini
Male 60 Plumber
Khan Younis
Internal Security HQ/ Khan Younis
277
Nabil Ahmed Mahmoud al-Beiram
Male 43 Employee
Khan Younis
Ex-settlement of Gadid/ southwest of Khan Younis
278
Ibrahim Mohammed Ali Mahfouz
Male 46 Employee
Khan Younis
Ex-settlement of Gadid/ southwest of Khan Younis
279
(Mohammed Nour) Mohammed Reziq al- Fayoumi
Male 24 Policeman
Khan Younis
Western Khan Younis Police Sattion/ Khan Younis
280
Ahmed Rasmi Mohammed Abu Jazar
Male 16 Student
Al-Juneiena neighborhood/ Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah
281
Mohammed Abdul Shafouq Mohammed al-Abadla
Male 40 Employee
Al-Mawasi / Khan Younis
Ex-settlement of Gadid/ southwest of Khan Younis
282
Mo’in Mahmoud Abdul Rahman Aal-Qen
Male 43 Worker
Tal al-Sultan / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah
283
Salman Fahmi Hassan al-Astal
Male 30 Policeman
Khan Younis
284
Ibrahim Mohammed Ibrahim Abu Teir
Male 54 Worker
Abasan al-Kabira / Khan Younis
285
Nazir Khalil Hussain Aal-louka
Male 52 Imam
Tal al-Sultan / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah
286
Haitham Yaser Ahmed al-Sha’er
Male 22 Policeman
Tal al-Sultan / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah
287
Yaser Ahmed Mohammed al-Sha’er
Male 46 Policeman
Tal al-Sultan / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah
288
Ihab Jaser Ahmed al-Sha’er
Male 32 Physician
Tal al-Sultan / Rafah
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah
289
Ibrahim Abdul Rahman Jbeil Zu’rub
Male 28 Employee
Khan Younis
Ex-settlement of Gadid/ southwest of Khan Younis
290
Yousif Murshid Ahmed al-Najjar
Male 38 Employee
Khan Younis
Ex-settlement of Gadid/ southwest of Khan Younis
291
Mazen Ahmed Mohammed Matar
Male 15 Student
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
292
Salem Zeyad Mohammed al-Hallaq (Malalha)
Male 24 Jobless
Al-Daraj / Gaza
Al-‘Abbas Police Station/ Gaza
293
Mohammed Hussein Abdul Ra’ouf al-Mabhouh
Male 28 Policeman
Al-Sekka Street/ Tal al-Za’atar / Northern Gaza
Presidential Compound/ Gaza
294
Ihab Abdullah Mohammed Hamdan
Male 22 Policeman
Al-Twam / Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
295
Ali Abdul Ra’ouf Hassans Rihan
Male 27 Student
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Al-Soudaneya area/ Northern Gaza
296
Mohammed Na’im Mohammed Muharram
Male 29 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
297
Mohammed Subhi Abdul Rahman Dahlan
Male 34 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Presidential Compound/ Gaza
298
Ahmed Abdul Latif Hussein Sa’ad Eddin
Male 24 Policeman
Sheikh Zayed Housing Area / Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Presidential Compound/ Gaza
299
Ismail Ahmed Hassan Abu Hani
Male 18 Policeman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Al-Mashtal Intelligence Outpost/ Gaza
300
Hamid Ahmed Mohammed al-‘A’araj
Male 29 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
301
Abdul Hai Shafiq al-Dahshan
Male 40 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Al-Zahra Ciy/ Middle Gaza
302
Mohammed Fahmi Abdul Fattah Fahmi Tafesh
Male 22 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
303
Taysir Abdullah Mohammed Weshah
Male 23 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
304
Yahia Mohammed Shehda Sheikha
Male 24 Policeman
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Al-‘Abbas Police Station/ Gaza
305
Basem ‘Umar ‘Awad Jundeya
Male 43 Policeman
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Civil Administration HQ/ Gaza
306
Tareq Salah Diab Rahmi
Male 31 Policeman
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
307
Samer Ahmed Deeb Ahmed
Male 27 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Presidential Compound/ Gaza
308
Belal Ghazi al-Raqab
Male 23 Policeman
Khan Younis
Presidential Compound/ Gaza
309
Amin Fou’ad Mohammed al-Zerbatli
Male 28 Policeman
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
310
Izz Addin Rafiq ‘Eleyan ‘Atallah
Male 20 Policeman
Yarmouk Street / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
311
Islam Mohammed Abdul Rahim al-Sahhar
Male 24 Policeman
Al-Karama area/ Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
312
Anwar Rafiq ‘Eleyan ‘Atallah
Male 30 Policeman
Yarmouk Street / Gaza
Al-Nafaq Street/ Gaza
313
Hisham Salama Salem Kawari’
Male 36 Policeman
Al-Naser / Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
314
Abdullah Isma’il Abdullah al-Zein
Male 49 Municipal officer
Opposite to Ministry of Interior /Al-Quds Street / Northern Gaza
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
315
Khalil Ramadan Salim al-Muranakh
Male 38 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Force 17 Site/ al-Twam Area/ Northern Gaza
316
Yousif Mohammed al-Jallad
Male 34 Member of civil defense services
Khan Younis
Civil Defense HQ/ al-Zahra/ Middle of Gaza City.
317
Islam Mohammed Abdul Rahim al-Sahhar
Male 23 Policeman
‘Amer Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Presidential Compound/ Gaza
318
Haitham Samir Tabasi
Male 28 Policeman
Khan Younis
Presidential Compound/ Gaza
319
Ayman Sa’ad Allah Faraj al-‘Ejla
Male 19 Policeman
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
320
Tamer Hassan Ali al-Akhras
Male 5
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
321
Mohammed Khalil Hassan Al Mukayad
Male 27 Policeman
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
322
Hassan Maher Hassan ‘Orouq
Male 23 Policeman
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
323
Huda Hani Husni Zuhd
Female 22 Policewoman
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
324
Mohammed Farid Abdul Fattah Abdul Nabi
Male 22 Policeman
Bir al-Na’aja area / Northern Gaza
Al-Twam Area/ Northern Gaza
325
Mohammed Suheil Mohammed Hassan
Male 28 Policeman
Block 6/ Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
326
Iyad Sha’aban Ibrahim al-Maqousi
Male 27 Policeman
Al-‘Amoudi neighborhood/ Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
327
Munther Mohammed Ahmed Maniya
Male 32
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Wa’ed Society for Prisoners/ Gaza
Gaza Militant
Militant
328
Hamdi Issa Diab Hajjaj
Male 25 Dressmaker
Al-Sahaba Street/ Al-Daraj / Gaza
Al-Nafaq Street/ al-Daraj/ Gaza
329
Ashraf Zuheir Mahmoud al-Sharbasi
Male 33 Policeman
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Presidential Compound/ Gaza
330
Wa’el Yahya Mohammed Abu Ni’ma
Male 32 Policeman
Jaffa Street / Gaza
Presidential Compound/ Gaza
331
Hisham Ibrahim Salman al-Msaddar
Male 26 Policeman
Al-Mssaddar Village/ Middle Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
332
Yaser Mohammed Hijazi al-Zarqa
Male 20 Policeman
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
333
Khaled Saleem Zu’rub
Male 43 Seller
Al-Batn al-Samin / Khan Younis
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
334
Abdul Azim ‘Adel al-Jadba
Male 27 Jobless
Al-Sha’af / Gaza
Al-Zahra Police Sattion/ Middle Gaza
DECEMBER 28, 2008
335
Mohammed Ali Salim Abu Khubeiza
Male 21 Driver
Block C/ Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
336
Ibrahim Akram Ibrahim Abu Daqqa
Male 15
Abasan al-Kabira / Khan Younis
337
Ramiz Talal Ahmed Hamdan
Male 28 Policeman
Near the Ahli Club in Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
27-Dec-08
338
Ebtehal Abdullah Tawfiq Keshko
Female 8 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
339
Ahmed Jamil Mahmoud al-Talouli
Male 28
Al-‘Alami Housing Project/ Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
27-Dec-08
Near the Civil Administration HQ/ Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant
340
Ahmed Fou’ad Mahmoud al-‘Askari
Male 22 Policeman
Tal al-Za’atar / Northern Gaza
Near the Civil Defense HQ/ Northern Gaza
341
Mohammed Akram Ibrahim Abu Daqqa
Male 14 Student
Abasan al-Kabira / Khan Younis
342
Refa’t Salim ‘Ashur Sa’ada
Male 34 Policeman
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
343
Mohammed Ahmed Helmi Jarada
Male 18 Policeman
Al-Daraj / Gaza
27-Dec-08
Al-‘Abbas Police Station/ Gaza
344
Ahmed Abdul Latif Hussein Sa’ad Eddin
Male 24 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Presidential Compound/ Gaza
345
Abdullah Isma’il Jneid
Male 45
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
346
Maysa’a Mounir Yahia Keshko
Female 22
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
347
Mustafa Kamal Ibrahim al-Hattab
Male 20 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
348
Younis Jamil Farhood Abu Khubeiza
Male 20 Student
Block 2 in Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
349
Mohammed Nafez Sha’aban Mheisen
Male 34 Policeman
Sheja’eya/ Gaza 28-Dec-08 27-Dec-08
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
350
Farid Mohammed al-Waleedi
Male 32 Jobless
Khan Younis
351
Tamer Saleh Abdullah al-Gherbawi
Male 20 Student
Block 5 / Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
352
‘Usama Mahmoud Salim Dardas
Male 35 Jobless
Khan Younis
Al-‘Abbas Police Station/ Gaza
353
Nabil Mahmoud Mohammed Abu Ti’eima
Male 16 Student
Khan Younis
East of Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis
354
Ahmed Asa’ad Abdul Karim Fayyad
Male 22
Khan Younis
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis
Militant
Militant
355
Fayez Husni ‘Atta Ja’arour
Male 26 Policeman
Al-Jawhara Tower/ Gaza
Saraya Security Service Compound/ Gaza
356
Khalil Tayseer Khalil ‘Uweida
Male 34 Worker
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Near the al-Shifa Hospital/ Gaza
357
Tahreer Anwar Khalil Ba’alousha
Female 17 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
358
Samar Anwar Khalil Ba’alousha
Female 6 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
359
Dina Anwar Khalil Ba’alousha
Female 7 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
360
Akram Anwar Khalil Ba’alousha
Female 14
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
361
Jawaher Anwar Khalil Ba’alousha
Female 8 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
362
Khaled Khaled Ahmed al-Huwari
Male 18 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
DECEMBER 29, 2008
363
Zeyad al-‘Abed Ahmed Abu Teir
Male 32 Nurse
Abasan al-Kabira / Khan Younis
Militant
Militant
364
Ma’ather Mohammed Zneid
Female 23 UNRWA teacher
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis
365
‘Atwa ‘Awad ‘Oda Abu Mdeif
Male 70
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis
366
Ashraf Sayed Khamis al-Abdul Rahman
Male 28 Jobless
Dabbagh neighborhood / Jabaliya / Northern Gaza /
Zemmu Roundabout/ Northern Gaza
Northern Militant
Militant
367
Ahmed Yousif Ibrahim Khella
Male 18 Student
Al-Saftawi area / Northern Gaza Strip
Zemmu Roundabout/ Northern Gaza
368
Mohammed Basil Mahmoud Madi
Male 17 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Zemmu Roundabout/ Northern Gaza
369
Mohammed Mohy Addin Ahmed al-Madhoun
Male 48 Worker
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
370
Mohammed Jalal Shehda Abu Teir
Male 21 Jobless
Abasan al-Kabira / Khan Younis
Militant
Militant
371
Yaser al-‘Abed Ahmed Abu Teir
Male 32 Municipal officer
Abasan al-Kabira / Khan Younis
Militant
Militant
372
Mu’ath Yaser al-‘Abed Abu Teir
Male 6 Student
Abasan al-Kabira / Khan Younis
373
Mohammed Abdul ‘Aziz Khalil al-Farra
Male 23 Policeman
Abasan al-Kabira / Khan Younis
Militant
Militant
374
Mohammed Zeyad Mahmoud al-‘Absi
Male 14 Student
Yebna Refugee camp / Rafah
375
Rami Sa’adi Deeb Ghabayen
Male 23 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Zemmu Roundabout/ Northern Gaza
376
‘Imad Ahmed Abdullah Sammour
Male 34 Owner of metal workshop
‘Amer Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Zemmu Roundabout/ Northern Gaza
377
Faten Abdul ‘Aziz Zneid
Female 31 Housewife
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis
378
Sidqi Zeyad Mahmoud al-‘Absi
Male 4
Yebna Refugee Camp / Rafah
379
Mahmoud Nabil Deeb Ghabayen
Male 13 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Zemmu Roundabout/ Northern Gaza
380
Suheil Nawwaf al-Ta’aban
Male 35 Worker
Al-Zawaida / Middle Gaza
29-Dec-08 27-Dec-08
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
381
Shadi Yousif Ramadan Ghabin
Male 14 Student
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
382
Wisam Akram Rabi’ Eid
Male 12 Student
Opposite to Ministry of Interior/ Al-Quds Street / Northern Gaza
Zemmu Roundabout/ Northern Gaza
383
Deya’a ‘Aref Farhood Abu Khubeiza
Male 15 Student
Block C in Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
28-Dec-08
384
‘Imad Jamal Shehda Abu Khater
Male 15 Student
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Zemmu Roundabout/ Northern Gaza
385
Khalil Ibrahim Jaber Abu Nadi
Male 69 Jobless
Al-Saftawi area / Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
386
Ahmed Zeyad Mahmoud al-‘Absi
Male 12 Student
Yebna Refugee Camp / Rafah
DECEMBER 30, 2008
387
Ayman Yousif Khalil al-Majayda
Male 45 Cook
Khan Younis 30-Dec-08 27-Dec-08
A site of the al-Qassam Brigades in Khan Younis
388
Mohammed Yousif Abdullah Hassanein
Male 34 Worker
Al-Sourani mountain/ al-Sha’af / Gaza
Al-Zahra City/ Middle Gaza
389
Tawfiq Reyad ‘Uthman Qannan
Male 22
Al-Sahaba Street/ Al-Daraj / Gaza
Al-Rayes Mountain/ Gaza
Militant
Militant
390
Walid Mohammed Suleiman Jabr
Male 20 Worker
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
28-Dec-08
Border strip/ Rafah Gaza
391
Isma’il ‘Uleiwa al- ‘Abed al-Qirem
Male 43 Jobless
Al-Sha’af / Gaza
392
Lama Talal Shehda Hamdan
Female 4
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
393
Yahya Mohammed Suleiman Abu Nemer
Male 45 Guard
Khan Younis Refugee Camp / Khan Younis
394
Mohammed ‘Ateya Hassan Kharoof
Male 55 Worker
Abu Salim area in Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
27-Dec-08
395
Mohammed Majed Ibrahim Ka’abar
Male 17 Student
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Zemmu Roundabout/ Northern Gaza
396
Haya Talal Shehda Hamdan
Female 12 Student
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
Al-Rayes Mountain/ Gaza Northern
397
Amin Salem Darwish Al ‘Udeini
Male 24 Jobless
Deir al-Balah / Middle Gaza
Militant
Militant
398
Hussein Na’im Hussein ‘Abbas
Male 33 Policeman
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
DECEMBER 31, 2008
399
Mohammed Sa’id Mohammed Abu Hassira
Male 19 Medic / Military Medical Services
Al-Daraj / Gaza
Al-Rayes Mountain/ Gaza
400
Fatma Abu Jubah Faraj ‘Alloush
Female 63 Housewife
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
401
Ihab ‘Umar Khalil al-Madhoun
Male 33 Physician / Military Medical Services
Al-Daraj / Gaza
Al-Rayes Mountain/ Gaza
402
Isma’il Talal Shehda Hamdan
Male 9 Student
Al-Rayes Mountain/ Gaza
30-Dec-08
Al-Rayes Mountain/ Gaza
403
Amin Saleh Ahmed Shabet
Male 71 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
404
Sha’aban ‘Adel Hamed Hanif
Male 16 Student in UNRWA Gaza Training School
Al-Juneina neighborhood / Rafah
27-Dec-08
UNRWA Gaza Training School/ Gaza
405
Tareq Yaser Mohammed ‘Afana
Male 16 Student
Jabalyia Refugee camp /Northern Gaza
406
Ali Zuheir Mahmoud al-Houbi
Male 21 Policeman
Al-Shaboura Refugee Camp / Rafah
Al-Najma Park
407
Iman Hassan Mahmoud Abu ‘Arida
Female 34 Housewife
Al-Shaboura Refugee Camp / Rafah
Al-Najma Park
408
Mohammed Isma’il ‘Abed Abu Daqqa
Male 20 Student
Bani Sheila / Khan Younis
409
Mahmoud Majed Mahmoud Abu Nahla
Male 16 Student
Rafah 31-Dec-08 27-Dec-08
Rafah Police Station/ Rafah
410
Nafez Kamal Abdul Jawad Abu Sabet
Male 24 Worker
Bani Sheila / Khan Younis
JANUARY 1, 2009
411
Mohammed Hussam Radwan ‘Eleyan
Male 17 Electrician
Al-Sawarha area / Middle Gaza
412
Nizar Abdul Kader Mohammed Rayan
Male 50 University Professor
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
413
‘Aisha Nizar Abdul Kader Rayan
Female 2
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
414
Zeinab Nizar Abdul Kader Rayan
Female 9 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
415
Ghassan Nizar Abdul Kader Rayan
Male 16 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
416
Jamil Ali Mohammed al-Dardasawi
Male 28 Worker
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Militant
Militant
417
Nawal Isma’il Rayan
Female 40 Housewife
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
418
‘Usama Ibn Zeid Nizar Abdul Kader Rayan
Male 3
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
419
Bashir Isma’il Sha’aban ‘Ubeid
Male 47 Worker
Sheja’eya / Gaza
420
‘Oyoun Jihad Yousif al- Nasla
Female 16 Student
Al-Nada Apartment Buildings/ Izbat Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
421
Rim Nizar Abdul Kader Rayan
Female 5
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
422
Shehda Hamdan Hussein Abu Tilekh
Male 50 Jobless
Nuseirat Refugee camp 2/ Middle Gaza
31-Dec-08
423
Halima Nizar Abdul Kader Rayan
Female 5
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
424
Hussein Sa’id Abdullah al-Neder
Male 20 Student
Opposite to Abu Shbak Petrol Station/ Jaffa Street / North
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant
425
Al-mo’iz Lideen Allah Jihad al-Nasla
Male 3
Al-Nada Apartment Buildings/ Northern Gaza
426
Mahmoud Mustafa Darwish ‘Ashour
Male 22
Block 3/ al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
Militant
Militant
427
Maryam Nizar Abdul Kader Rayan
Female 10 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
428
Abdul Kader Nizar Abdul Kader Rayan
Male 12 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
429
Aya Nizar Abdul Kader Rayan
Female 12 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
430
Sherine Sa’id Rayan
Female 25
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
431
Iman Khalil Rayan
Female 45
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
432
Fatma Salah Isma’il Salah
Female 42 Housewife
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
433
Abdul Rahman Nizar Abdul Qader Rayyan
Male 6 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
434
Mohammed Maher Abu Sweireh
Male 16 Student
Al-Sawarha area / Middle Gaza
18-Jan-09
435
Asa’ad Nizar Abdul Kader Rayan
Male 2
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
436
Heyam Abdul Rahman Rayan
Female 46 Housewife
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
JANUARY 2, 2009
437
Ahmed Diab Nemer Ja’arour
Male 24 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
438
Reda Khalil Hassan Ali
Female 53 Jobless
Khan Younis
Netzarim Roundabout/ Gaza
439
Wa’el Yousif Matar Abu Jarad
Male 21 Worker
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
440
Krestin Wadi’ Estandi al-Turk
Female 15 Student
Al-Sahaba area / Gaza
Al-Daraj
441
Belal Suheil Deeb Ghabayen
Male 19 University student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
29-Dec-08
Zemmu Roundabout/ Northern Gaza
442
Na’el Hassan Matar Ramadan (Shoha)
Male 28
Beit Lahia Housing Project / Northern Gaza
East of Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant
443
Hamada Ibrahim Ali Msabeh
Male 15 Student
Sheja’eya / Gaza
444
Mohammed Iyad Abed Rabbu al-Astal
Male 12 Student
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis
445
Tahani Kamal Abu ‘Ayesh
Female 24
Wadi Gaza Village / Juhr al-Dik / Middle Gaza
446
Sami Ibrahim Ibrahim Lubbad
Male 29 Teacher
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Sheikh Zayed Housing City/ Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant
447
Halima Mohammed Mohammed Seyam
Female 77 Jobless
Izbat Abed Rabbu / Northern Gaza
448
Nafez Mohammed Issa al-Mtawaq
Male 49 Worker
Gaza old Street / Northern Gaza
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
449
Abed Rabbu Iyad Abed Rabbu al-Astal
Male 8 Student
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis
450
Fadi Naser Mussa Shabat
Male 24 University student
Al-Amal neighborhood / Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
01-Jan-09
451
‘Oda Hammad ‘Oda Abu al-Fita
Male 34 Civil defense member
Al-Satar Village/ Khan Younis
27-Dec-08
Al-Satar al-Gharbi Village/ Khan Younis
452
Abdul Sattar Walid Abdul Rahim al-Astal
Male 10 Student
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis
453
Majed Khalil Mohammed al-Bardawil
Male 29 Driver
Nuseirat New Camp/ Middle Gaza
JANUARY 3, 2009
454
Ahmed Isma’il Mousa al-Silawi
Male 21 Worker
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
455
Rajeh Nahed Rajeh Zyada
Male 18 Jobless
Al-‘Alami Housing Project/ Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
456
Hani Mohammed Moussa al-Silawi
Male 7 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
457
Hamza ‘Awni Mohammed al-Shaghnoubi
Male 22
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
Militant
458
‘Umar Abdul Hafez Mousa al-Silawi
Male 35 Journalist in al-Aqsa Satallite channel
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
459
Ra’ed Abdul Rahman Mohammed al-Msamha
Male 21
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
460
Ahmed Asa’ad Tbeil
Male 16
Beit Lahia Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
461
Akram Faris Jaber al-Ghoul
Male 47 Employee
Al-Karama Apartment Buildings/ Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Al-Seyafa area/ Northern Gaza
462
Sa’id Salah Sa’id Battah
Male 23 Employee in Ministry of Interior
Beit Lahia Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
463
Sharif Abdul Mu’ti Suleiman al-Rmeilat
Male 16 Student
Al-Shuka Village / Rafah
464
Salem Mohammed Selmi Abu Qleiq
Male 25 Guard
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
American School / Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
465
Sujood Hamdi Juma’a al-Dardasawi
Female 14 Student
Sheja’eya / Gaza
466
Sabrin Mohammed ‘Azara Abu Samaha
Female 18 Student
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
467
Mohammed Mousa Isma’il al-Silawi
Male 12 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
468
Mahmoud ‘Adnan Mahmoud Abu Ma’arouf
Male 24 Policeman
Al-Sekka area/ al-Satar al-Gharbi Village/ Khan Younis
469
Shadi ‘Ayesh Hussein al-Shorbaji
Male 27
Al-Sekka area/ al-Satar al-Gharbi Village/ Khan Younis
Militant
Militant
470
‘Awatef Salman Salama Abu Khusa
Female 43 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
471
Belal Abdul Karim Ali al-Haj Ali
Male 21
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Al-‘Atatra /Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant
472
Mo’men Mousa Mohammed al-khuzundar
Male 22 Worker
Al-Daraj / Gaza
Al-Rayes Mountain/ Gaza
Militant
Militant
473
‘Ata Samir ‘Ata Bhar
Male 23 Employee
Al-Sha’af/Gaza
Militant
Militant
474
Salah Na’im Ahmed Shaldan
Male 22 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
Militant
475
Hisham Hamdan al-‘Abed al-Fayoumi
Male 35 Jobless
Al-Sha’af / Gaza
476
Yousif ‘Uthman Mustafa Abu Hassanein
Male 36 Worker
Opposite to Care Int. / Rafah
Yebna Refugee Camp/ Rafah
477
Mohammed Nahed Ali Abed Rabbu
Male 22 Student
Izbat Abed Rabbu / Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant
478
Muhannad Ibrahim ‘Ata al-Tannani
Male 21 University student
Beit Lahiya Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
479
Mamdouh ‘Umar Mousa al-Jammal
Male 36 Jobless
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Militant
Militant
480
Mahmoud Salah Ahmed al-Ghoul
Male 18 Student
Sheikh Radwan / Gaza
Al-Seyafa area/ Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
481
Eyad Ahmed Mohammed Abu Khousa
Male 36
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
482
Baha’a Bassam Hassan al-Ashkar
Male 19 University student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp /
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
483
Abdul Rahman Mohammed Qteifan al-Msamha
Male 47
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
484
Ibrahim Mousa Issa al-Silawi
Male 45 Employee
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
485
Hassan Nasim ‘Amer Hijo
Male 16
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
JANUARY 4, 2009
486
‘Ateya Helmi Mahmoud al-Samouni
Male 46 Farmer
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
487
Shatha al-‘Abed Abed Rabbu al-Habbash
Female 10 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
488
Suheir Zeyad Ramadan al-Nemer
Female 11 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
489
Mohammed Suleiman Khalil al-Jammasi
Male 23 Jobless
Al-Sha’af / Gaza
Militant
Militant
490
‘Awni Sa’adi Salman al-Deeb
Male 54 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
491
Ruba Mohammed Fadel Abu Ras
Female 14 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
492
Khalil Mohammed Ibrahim Meqdad
Male 21 Worker
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
493
Ahmed Khalil Saleh Abu Daf
Male 38 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
East of al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
494
Ibrahim Zeyad Ramadan al-Nemar
Male 21 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
495
Mustafa Zuhdi Mustafa Erhayem
Male 22
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
Militant
496
Jihad Samir Fayez Erhayem
Male 9 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
497
Abdul Hamid Juma’a Juma’a
Male 80 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
498
Mohammed Fou’ad Mahmoud al-Helu
Male 26
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
Militant
499
Bassam Mohammed Farouq Suleiman Abu ‘Ajwah
Male 32 Worker
Sheja’eya / Gaza
500
Mohammed Khamis Suleiman ‘Awad
Male 24
Jabaliya/ Northern Gsxs
Militant
Militant
501
‘Umar Sa’ad Allah bdul Jawad al-Jaro
Male 63 Worker
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Jafa Street
502
Farah ‘Ammar Fou’ad al-Helu
Female 1
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
503
Abdul Sayed Yousif Khamis ‘Umar
Male 19 Worker
Abu Iskandar area near Halima al-Sa’adeya School/ Gaza
Al-‘Atatra/ Northern Gaza
504
505
Qusai Reyad Mohammed al-Batrikhy
Male 18 Student
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Al-Sha’af
506
Ahmed Yousif Ibrahim al-Batsh
Male 19 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon
507
Hamdi Mahmoud Mohammed al-Samouni
Male 85 Farmer
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
508
Asma’a Ibrahim Hussein ‘Afana
Female 12 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
509
Fou’ad Mahmoud Hassan al-Helu
Male 62 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
510
Isra’a Qusai Mohammed al-Habbash
Female 13 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
511
Yaser Kamal Shbeir
Male 25 Medic / Military Medical Services
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
Tal al-Hawa
512
Abdul Aziz Mohammed Mustafa al-Najjar
Male 23
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Militant
Militant
513
Mahmoud Khaled ‘Eleyan al-Mashharawi
Male 13 Student
Al-Daraj / Gaza
514
Abdul Karim Zeyad Ramadan Aal-Nemer
Male 14
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
515
Mohammed Bassam Mohammed ‘Anan
Male 25
Rimal / Gaza
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
Militant
516
Jihan Sami Sa’adi al- Helu
Female 17 Student
Al-Mina’a area / Gaza
517
Mohammed Faraj Isma’il Hassouna
Male 16 Student
Yarmouk Street / Gaza
Jafa Street
518
Ahmmed Khader Diab Subeih
Male 17 Student
Yarmouk Street / Gaza
Al-Daraj
519
Anas Fadel Na’im
Male 23 Medic / Military Medical Services
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa
520
Ra’afat Sami Ibrahim (Muharram)
Male 20 Medic / Military Medical Services
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Tal al-Hawa
521
Maryam Mutaw’i Nasrallah Mtawe’in
Female 75
Sheikh Ejlin / Gaza
522
‘Umar Mahmoud al-Barade’i
Male 12 Student
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza
523
Mohammed Hekmat Abu Halima
Male 18 Student
Al-‘Atatra area / Northern Gaza
524
Mohammed Khader Yousif Hammouda
Male 19 Student
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
525
Abdullah Heidar Khalil Abu ‘Oda
Male 19 Fisherman
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
526
Ala’a Addin Yahya Mohammed Zaqout
Male 31 Employee
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
527
Mohammed Hassan al-Baba
Male 35 Jobless
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
528
Yousif ‘Abed Hassan Barbakh
Male 14 Student
Al-Shuka Village / Rafah
529
Belal Abed Rabbu Mohammed Shehab
Male 26 Employee
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
530
Hassan ‘Isam Hassan al-Jammasi
Male 20
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
Militant
531
Mohammed Ahmed Mohammed al-Da’our
Male 32 Jobless
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
532
Mohammed Khamis Hussein al-Kilani
Male 36
Al-Daraj / Gaza
Gaza Police Station
533
Abdul Rahim Helmi al-‘Abed al-Ashqar
Male 53 Teacher
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
534
Belal Mohammed Ghaben
Male 27 Employee
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant
535
‘Ayed ‘Imad Jamal Khira
Male 14 Student
Al-Daraj / Gaza
Sheja’eya
536
Na’im Hussein Mustafa ‘Abbas
Male 59 Jobless
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
537
Yahya Salman Abu Halima
Male 17
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
538
Eyad Nabil Abdul Rahman Saleh
Male 16 Student
Al-‘Awda Apartment Buildings / Northern Gaza
539
Samir ‘Iyada Yousif al-Shrafi
Male 48 Trader
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
540
Rayya Salama Salman Abu Hajjaj
Female 56
Wadi Gaza Village / Middle Gaza
541
Mohammed ‘Isam Mohammed Naser
Male 25 Employee
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
East of Jabaliya / Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant
542
Mo’in ‘Ata Mohammed Hussein
Male 39
Al-‘Atatra area/ Northern Gaza
543
Ibrahim Kamal Subhi
Male 9 Student
Al-Zahra Cityy/ Beit
Beit Lahia / Northern ‘Awaja Lahia/ Northern Gaza
544
Louay Yahya Salman Abu Halima
Male 18 Student
Al-Seyafa area/ Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
545
Majda Abdul Karim Abu Hajjaj
Female 35
Wadi Gaza Village / Middle Gaza
546
Salman Fayyad Abu Meddein
Male 72
Sheikh Ejlin / Gaza
547
Ghassan Ali Ali Abu al-‘Amarin
Male 23 Student
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
548
Jamila Abdul Aziz Salem al-Da’our
Female 61 Housewife
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
549
Jihad Kamal Hassan Ahmed
Female 18 Student
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Sheikh Ejlin
550
‘Ayed Abdul Hadi Abdul Khaleq Abu Nada
Male 40 Worker
Beit Lahia Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Al-Zahra Roundabout/ Middle Gaza
551
Mohammed Abdul Razzaq Ali al-Hila
Male 23 University student
Al-Amal neighborhood/ Khan Younis
552
‘Arafa Hani ‘Arafat Abdul Dayem
Male 35 Medic / Military Medical Services + (teacher)
Izbat Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
Western Roundabout of Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
553
Adham Na’im Mohammed Abdul Malik
Male 17 Student
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Al-Isra’a neighborhood/ Northern Gaza
554
Ahmed Mohammed Mahmoud al-Adham
Male 53 Farmer
Beit Lahia Main Street / Northern Gaza
555
Tha’er Shaker Sha’aban Qarmout
Male 17 Student
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
29-Dec-08
556
Wadi’ Amin ‘Umar
Male 3
Al-Nuzha Street / Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
557
Mohammed Muti’a Mohammed al-Shrafi
Male 23 Policeman
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant
558
Zeyad Mohammed Selmi Abu Sneima
Male 10 Student
Miraj area / Rafah
Al-Naser Village / Rafah
559
Mousa Yousif Hassan Barbakh
Male 16 Student
Al-Shuka Village / Rafah
560
Al-Sayed Hammouda Shehada Abu Sultan
Male 27 Jobless
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
561
Hammouda Shehada Khader Abu Sultan
Male 53 Jobless
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
562
Salman Hammad Mraziq Abu Khammash
Male 39 Farmer
Al-Naser Village / Rafah
563
‘Usama Mesleh Suleiman
Male 20 Jobless
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
564
Isma’il Mousa Isma’il al-Soussi
Male 50 Jobless
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
565
Adnan Mohammed Abdul Latif al-Shalfouh
Male 22
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant
566
Hamza Zuheir Reziq Tantish
Male 12 Student
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
567
Mahmoud Zaher Reziq Tantish
Male 18 Student
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
568
Mohammed Akram Mohammed Abu Harbid
Male 19 Student
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
04-Jan-09 03-Jan-09
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
569
Ahmed Hussein Abed Rabbu al-Mabhouh
Male 29
Izbat Abed Rabbu / Northern Gaza
570
Mahmoud Sami Yahya ‘Asaleya
Male 3
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
571
Mohammed Mu’in ‘Ateya Abu al-Jedian
Male 20 Jobless
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
572
Mahdi Abed Hassan Barbakh
Male 20 Worker
Al-Shuka Village / Rafah
573
Mohammed Bashir Mohammed Khader
Male 25 Worker
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
574
Tamer Daoud Mohammed Baker
Male 24 Policeman
Tal al-Hawa / Gaza 04-Jan-09 27-Dec-08
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
575
Abed Hassan Mohammed Barbakh
Male 44 Worker
Al-Shuka Village / Rafah
576
Ayman Mohammed Mohammed ‘Afana
Male 27 Policeman
Tal al-Sultan / Rafah
Al-Zaytoon
577
Nouh Hammouda Shehada Abu Sultan
Male 20 Student
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
578
Ahmed Sami Ahmed Abu Meddein
Male 54
Al-Zahra / Middle Gaza
Al-Zahra / Middle Gaza
579
Mohammed Ahmed Sa’id al-Hashim
Male 19
Jabaliya/ Northern Gaza
Militant
Militant
580
‘Ateya Rushdi Khalil Aal-Khuli
Male 16 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
Militant
581
Baha’a Mou’ayad Kamal Abu Wadi
Male 8 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
582
Ahmed Mohammed Ahmed al-Bal’awi
Male 63 Jobless
Opposite to the Specialist Children Hospital/ al-Naser/ Gaza
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
583
Mohammed Abed Hassan Barbakh
Male 19 Jobless
Al-Shuka Village / Rafah
584
Isma’il Abdullah Suleiman Abu Sneima
Male 15 Student
Al-Shuka Village / Rafah
585
Shawqi Abdul Jawad al-‘Attar
Male 46
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
586
Mohammed Ibrahim Abu Sha’ar
Male 21 Policeman/ member of the al-Qassam Brigades
Kherbat al-‘Adas/ Rafah
Militant
Militant
JANUARY 5, 2009
587
Ahmed Mohammed Msallam Salama Abu Hatab
Male 24 Assistant Pharmacist
Khan Younis Refugee camp/ Khan Younis
30-Dec-08
Vicinity of al-Qarara Police Station/ Khan Younis
588
Muti’ Abdul Rahman Ibrahim al-Samouni
Female 63 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
589
Walid Rashad Helmi al-Samouni
Male 17 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
590
Nidal Ahmed Mahmoud al-Samouni
Male 32 Farmer
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
591
Abdul Naser Jamal Asa’ad Shuheibar
Male 45 Worker
Al-Sabra / Gaza
Eastern Road
592
Ashraf Abdul Hakim Salem al-Issi
Male 25 Quran Memorizer
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Militant
Militant
593
Rawhi Jamal Ramadan al-Sultan
Male 28 Worker
Al-Salatin area/ Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
594
Nahil Khaled Abu ‘Eisha
Female 32 Housewife
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
595
Usama Jihad Ali Abu Jbara
Male 22 Jobless
Block 4 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
596
Rabab Izzat Ali al-Samouni
Female 32 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
597
Ghaida’a ‘Amer Abu ‘Eisha
Female 8 Student
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
598
Nassar Ibrahim Helmi al-Samouni
Male 5
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
599
Hussein Mahmoud Abdul Malek al-Sultan
Male 23 Worker
Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
600
Rahma Mohammed Mahmoud al-Samouni
Female 50 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
601
Samir ‘Umar Saleh Sa’adeya
Male 50 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Rimal
602
‘Azza Salah Talal al- Samouni
Female 5 mnths
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
603
Ibrahim Rawhi Mohammed ‘Aqel
Male 16 Student
Block 4 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
Al-Bureij Refugee camp / Middle Gaza
604
Ahmed Fathi Mustafa al-Nazli
Male 20 Student
‘Asqoula area/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon
605
Isma’il Ibrahim Helmi al-Samouni
Male 14 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
606
Naji Nedal Abdul Salam al-Hamalawi
Male 15 Student
Block 12 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
Al-Bureij Refugee camp / Middle Gaza
607
Jihad Ali Ahmed Abu Jbara
Male 53 Teacher
Block 4 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
Al-Bureij Refugee camp / Middle Gaza
608
Mohammed Abdul Hamid ASa’ad Abu Kmeil
Male 21
Al-Mughraqa area/ Middle Gaza
Militant
609
Abed Samir Ali al-Sultan
Male 19.5 Student
Al-Salatin area/ Northern Gaza
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
610
Basel Jihad Ali Abu Jbara
Male 30 Employee
Block 4 / al-Bureij / Middle Gaza
Al-Bureij Refugee Camp / Middle Gaza
611
Mohammed Shehada Ali Ahmed “’Abed”
Male 19
Al-Sha’af / Gaza
612
Mohammed Samir Hijji
Male 16 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
613
Hamdi Maher Hamdi al-Samouni
Male 22 Farmer
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
614
Huda Na’el Fares al-Samouni
Female 7 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
615
Mo’men Mahmoud Talal ‘Ilaw
Male 12 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
616
Issa Ahmed al-‘At’out
Male 21 Student
Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza
617
Lubna Fou’ad Tawfiq Aal-Maleh
Female 27 Housewife
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
618
Zakaria Abdul Naser Ibrahim al-kayali
Male 20 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Jafa Street
619
Mahrous Amin Mohammed Shuheibar
Male 37 Driver
Gaza
620
Fayez Yousif Rezeq Hassan
Male 45 Driver
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
621
Mohammed Helmi Talal al-Samouni
Male 6 mnths
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
622
Khadra al-‘Abed Khalil al-Maleh
Female 80 Housewife
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
623
Hanadi Basem Kamel Khalifa
Female 13 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
624
‘ Amer Rezeq Saber Abu ‘Eisha
Male 40 Worker
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
625
Ramadan Ali Mohammed Filfil
Male 15 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
626
Salah Hassan Salama Rafi’a
Male 37
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
627
Tawfiq Rashad Helmi al-Samouni
Male 21 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
628
Asa’ad Sa’adi Ahmed Hammouda
Male 75 Retired
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
03-Jan-09
629
Mohammed ‘Amer Abu ‘Eisha
Male 10 Student
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
630
Mohammed Amin Mustfa Hijji
Male 36
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
631
Shahd Mohammed Amin Hijji
Female 3
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
632
Ayat Yousif Mohammed al-Dufda’a
Female 13 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
633
Nadia Misbah Salem Sa’ad
Female 14 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
634
Leila Nabih Mahmoud al-Samouni
Female 45 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
635
Fatheia Ayman Salim al-Dabbari
Female 4 mnths
Al-Shuka village/ Rafah
636
Mohammed Rashad Khalil al-Khouli
Male 18
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
637
Lutfi ‘Awni Abdul Fattah Jaddou’a
Male 19 Student
Near the Community College of Applied Science and Technology/ Gaza
Al-Sabra
638
Hashim ‘Awni Abdul Fattah Jaddou’a
Male 18 Black Smith
Al-Sabra / Gaza
639
Mohammed Mohammed Nabih al-Ghazali
Male 27 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Militant
640
Rezqa Mohammed Mahmoud al-Samouni
Female 59 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
641
Rashad Helmi Mahmoud al-Samouni
Male 36 Farmer
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Militant
642
Mohammed Ibrahim Helmi al-Samouni
Male 24 Employee
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
643
Maha Mohammed Ibrahim al-Samouni
Female 22 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
644
Ahmed Sedqi Hamdan Kuheil
Male 25 Worker
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
645
Isma’il Heidar ‘Eleiwa
Male 7 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
646
Ghazi ‘Awni Abdul Fattah Jaddoua’
Male 24 Blacksmith
Al-Sabra / Gaza
647
Rezqa Wa’el Faris al-Samouni
Female 13 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
648
Faris Wa’el Faris al-Samouni
Male 14 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
649
Hanan Khamis Sa’adi al-Samouni
Female 20 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
650
Ishaq Ibrahim Helmi al-Samouni
Male 13 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
651
Amal Zaki ‘Eleiwa
Female 40 Housewife
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
652
Lana Heidar ‘Eliwa
Female 10 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
653
Mo’’men Heidar ‘Eleiwa
Male 12 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
654
Aya Usama Nayef al-Sersawy
Female 6 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
655
Leila Salman Suleiman Hamada
Female 61 Housewife
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
656
Ala’a Ibrahim Matar (al-Harazin)
Male 19 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
657
Safa’a Subhi Mahmoud al-Samouni
Female 23 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
658
Ahmed Mahmoud Hussein al-Shafe’i
Male 21 Student
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
Militant
659
Kamla Ali Mustafa al-‘Attar
Female 82 Housewife
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
‘Alatatra area / Northern Gaza
660
Ghanima Mas’oud Mohammed Abu Halima
Female 63 Housewife
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
661
Samir Rashid Mohammed Mohammed
Male 44 UNRWA employee
Izbat Abed Rabbu / Northern Gaza
662
Seif al-Islam Ahmed Mohammed ‘Odwan
Male 20 Employee
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
Militant
663
Akram Mohammed Isma’il Jarad
Male 21 Employee
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
Militant
664
Basem Mustafa Abdullah al-Habil
Male 26 Volunteer in the Civil Defense Service
‘Amer Housning Project/ Northern Gaza
665
Al-Syed Jawad Mohammed al-Siksik
Male 16 Student
Al-Twam area/ Northern Gaza
04-Jan-09
666
Ali Salama Deeb al-Khatib
Male 42 Worker
‘Asaleya Housing Project/ al-Seqqa Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
667
Hussein Khalil Ibrahim Abu Jarad
Male 21 Employee
Jabaliya Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
Militant
668
Mohmmed Salam ‘Awwad al-Tarfawi
Male 4
Opposite to al-Je’el Petrol Station/ al-Karama Street/ al-Qerem Area / Northern Gaza
669
Mohammed Naser ‘Ateya Hamdona
Male 19 Student
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
670
Nada Radwan Na’im Mardi
Female 6 Student
Al-Seyafa area/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
671
Ahmed Jihad Mohammed Abu Skheila
Male 20 University student
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Militant
672
We’am Jamal Mahmoud al-Kafarneh
Female 2
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
04-Jan-09
673
Amjad Isma’il Mohammed Radwan
Male 36 Worker
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
Militant
674
Younis Mohammed Abdul Wahab al-Ghandour
Male 24 Policeman
Sheikh Zayed Housing City/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
675
Maher Younis Ramadan Abdul Dayem
Male 32 Worker
Izbat Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
676
Nafez Jamal Sa’id Abdul Dayem
Male 22 Worker
Izbat Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
677
‘Arafat Mohammed ‘Arafat Abdul Dayem
Male 12 Student
Izbat Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
678
Rami Yousif Mohammed al-Ghandour
Male 29
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
679
Suheil Ahmed Rashad al-‘Asali
Male 24 Worker
Opposite to al-Kuzundar Petrol Station/ ‘Amer Housning Project/ al-Twam area/ Northern Gaza
680
Ahmed Samih Ahmed al-Kafarna
Male 18 Student
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
03-Jan-09
681
Ahmed Hassan Abdul Karim Abu Zour
Male 20 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
682
Ahmed Fathi Mohammed Matar
Male 19 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
683
Mohammed Samir Abdul Latif Salim
Male 28 Policeman
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
684
Bassam Mahmoud Mohammed Hammouda
Male 35 Jobless
Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza
685
Talal Helmi Mahmoud al-Samouni
Male 50 Worker
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
686
Ibtisam Ahmed Mohammed al-Qanu’a
Female 40 Housewife
Opposite to Mu’aweya Ibn Abi Sufian School/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
04-Jan-09
687
Eyad ‘Izzat Ali al-Samouni
Male 20 Farmer
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
688
Mahmoud Mo’in Ishaq al-Rifi
Male 18 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Militant
689
Mousa Mohammed Suleiman al-Jatali
Male 36 Worker
The Bedouin Village/ north of Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
690
Mahmoud Mohammed Khamis Abu Qamar
Male 15 Student
Block 4 / Jabalia Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
691
Sayed ‘Amer Abu ‘Eisha
Male 12 Student
Al-Shati Refugee Camp / Gaza
692
Ahmed Helmi ‘Ateya al-Samouni
Male 4
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
693
Al-Mu’tasim Bellah Mohammed Ibrahim al-Samouni
Male 1 mnth
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
694
Mansour Mahmoud Madi
Male 21
Rafah
Al-Sha’af/ Gaza
Militant
695
Khalil Mohammed Khalil Helles
Male 16 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
03-Jan-09
696
Mu’tasim Heider ‘Eleiwa
Male 13 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
JANUARY 6, 2009
697
Mohammed Eyad Fayez al-Daia
Male 7 mnths
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
698
Fayez Misbah Hashim al-Daia
Male 60 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
699
Ala’a Eyad Fayez al-Daia
Female 7 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
700
Ali Eyad Fayez al-Daia
Male 10 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
701
Sabrin Fayez Mesbah al-Daia
Female 24 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
702
Bara’a Ramez Fayez al-Daia
Female 1.5
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
703
Rawya Rajab ‘Awad
Female 32 Pharmacist / Military Medical Services
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
28-Dec-08
Sheja’eya
704
Hussein Khalil Hassan ‘Arafat
Male 63 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
705
Fadwa Khalil Mohammed Kuheil
Female 50 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
706
Hussam Fathi Abu al-Sabah
Male 21
Deir al-Balah Refugee Camp
Militant
707
Mohammed Ahmed Diab Shweideh
Male 20
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Militant
Militant
708
Islam Isma’il Suleiman Abdul Jawwad
Female 26 Housewife
Al-Maghazi/ Middle Gaza
709
Mesbah Ayoub Ibrahim Ayoub
Male 66 Jobless
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
710
‘Ahed Eyad Mohammed Qadas
Male 14 Student
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
711
Rehab Abdul Mon’im Ramadan ‘Awad
Female 47
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
712
Ahmed Mousa Ahmed ‘Arafat
Male 29 University student
Abasan Village/ Khan Younis
Abasan al-Jadida/ Khan Younis
713
Khadra Abdul ‘Aziz Abdul ‘Aziz ‘Awad
Female 40 Housewife
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
714
Tha’er Jihad Ahmed al-Najjar
Male 21 Jobless
Khza’a/ Khan Younis
715
Ibrahim Suleiman Mohammed Baraka
Male 12 Student
Bani Sheila/ Khan Younis
716
Mohammed Bassam Mohammed Eid
Male 18
Al-Bassa area/ Deir al-Balah/ Middle Gaza
Militant
717
Raghda Fayez Mesbah al-Daia
Female 34 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
718
Mohammed Kamal Mohammed Mekdad
Male 26 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Al-Tufah
719
Islam ‘Oda Khalil Abu ‘Amsha
Female 12 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Al-Tufah
720
Mohammed Mo’in Shafiq Deeb
Male 16 Student
Opposite to al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
721
Amal Matar Saleh Deeb
Female 38 Housewife
Opposite to al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
722
Radwan Fayez Mesbah Al- Daia
Male 22 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
723
Abdul Wahab Ahmed Hussein Hassanein
Male 63 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
724
Ahmed Jaber Jabr Hweij
Male 6 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza 06-Jan-09 27-Dec-08 Al-Tufah
725
Safa’a Saleh Mohammed al-Daia
Female 20 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
726
Yousif Mohammed Fayez al-Daia
Male 2
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
727
Eyad Hassan Mohammed ‘Ubeid
Male 21 Employee
Al-Nuzha Street/ Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza
Militant
728
Amani Mohammed Fayez al-Daia
Female 6 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
729
Kawkab Sa’id Hussein al-Daia
Female 57 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
730
Mahmoud Sedkqi Hamdan Kuheil
Male 20 Worker
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
731
Qamar Mohammed Fayez al-Daia
Female 5
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
732
Arij Mohammed Fayez al-Daia
Female 3
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
733
Sharaf Addin Eyad Fayez al-Daia
Male 5
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
734
Ramez Fayez Mesbah al-Daia
Male 27 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
735
Mohammed Marwan Mahmoud ‘Abed
Male 25 Carpenter
Jafa Street/ Gaza
736
Raba’a Eyad Fayez al-Daia
Female 6 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
737
Mohammed Abdullah Mohammed ‘Ubeid
Male 31 Employee
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
738
Heijar Isma’il Yousif Ansyo
Female 60 Housewife
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
739
Sa’id Jamal Sa’id Abdul Dayem
Male 28 University student
Izbat Beit Hanoun/ Northern Gaza
05-Jan-09
740
Ranin Abdullah Ahmed Saleh
Female 12 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
741
Mahtheya Shehada Hassan Saleh
Female 51 Housewife
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
742
Fatma Samir Shafiq Deeb
Female 23 Housewife
Opposite to al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
743
Ra’afat Fou’ad Sa’id Abu Askar
Male 30 Employee
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
744
Ibrahim Ahmed Hassan Ma’arouf
Male 15 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
745
Abdul Rahim Yousif Mousa al-Debis
Male 24
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
746
Abdullah Ahmed Qaddura Saleh
Male 55 Jobless
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
747
Mohammed ‘Ayesh Mansour Abu Naser
Male 25 Worker
Al-‘Atatara area/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
748
Khader Ahmed Ibrahim Zidan
Male 40 Jobless
Jabalia Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
749
Mohammed Samir Shafiq Deeb
Male 24 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
750
Adam Ma’amoun Saqer Ramadan al-Kurdi
Male 3
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
751
Amin Eid Mohammed Khdeir
Male 24 Worker
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
Al-Fakhoura School/ Northern Gaza
752
Ishteiwi Moussa’d Msharraf al-Sheikh Manna’a
Male 61 Jobless
The Bedouin Village/ Northern Gaza
753
‘Afaf Mohammed al-‘Abed Dmeida
Female 28 Housewife
Martyr Saleh Dardona/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
754
‘Imad Mohammed Abdul
Rahman Sha’alaq Male 52 Policeman
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
755
Isma’il Mohammed Mahmoud Abu Naser
Male 55 Dressmaker
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
756
Hamdi Yousif Ibrahim Hammad
Male 34 Jobless
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
757
Abdul Rahman Saleh Abdul Hamid Yasin
Male 22 Jobless
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
758
Ayman Ahmed ‘Amer al-Kurd
Male 28 Employee
Al-Falouja area/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
759
Basel Abdul Hamid Mahmoud Abu Ghabin
Male 40 Jobless
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
760
Huthayfa Jihad Khaled al-Kahlut
Male 18 Student
Tal al-Za’atar/ Northern Gaza
761
Tareq Mahmoud Yousif (Hussein)
Male 22 Employee
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
762
Samia Fathi Abdul Fattah Saleh
Female 19 Housewife
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
763
‘Isam Samir Shafiq Deeb
Male 13 Student
Opposite to al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
764
Marwan Hassan Abdul Mo’min Qdeih
Male 5
Abasan Village/ Khan Younis
765
Anwar Hassan Mohammed Lubbad
Male 53 Employee
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
766
Ala’a Mo’in Shafiq Deeb
Female 20 Student
Opposite to al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
767
Shamma Salim Hussein Deeb
Female 65 Housewife
Opposite to al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
768
Bashar Samir Mousa Naji
Male 14 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
769
Isma’il ‘Adnan Hassan Hweila
Male 16 Student
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
770
Mohammed Ramadan Hamad al-Debis
Male 29 Jobless
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
771
‘Ateya Hassan Mustafa al-Madhoun
Male 59 Jobless
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
772
Zaher Mohammed Mahmoud ‘Abed
Male 20 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Jaffa Street
773
Zeyad ‘Ateya Hassan al-Madhoun
Male 34 Employee
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
774
Shahd Hussein Nazmi Sultan
Female 8 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
775
Mofid Fathi Abdullah Abu Sa’ada
Male 38 Dressmaker
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
776
Ahmed Shaher Fayeq
Khdeir
Male 10 Student
Al-Seyafa area/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
03-Jan-09
777
Samir Shafiq Abud Hamid Deeb
Male 42 Worker
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
778
Eyad Fayezz Mesbah al-Daia
Male 36 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
779
Nour Mo’in Shafiq Deeb
Male 3
Opposite to al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
780
Mustafa Mo’in Shafiq Deeb
Male 13 Student
Opposite to al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
781
Asil Mo’in Shafiq Deeb
Female 10 Student
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
782
Khaled Mohammed Fou’ad Abu ‘Askar
Male 20 Employee
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
783
Belal Hamza Ali ‘Ubeid
Male 17 Student
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
784
Mohammed Basem Ahmed Shaqqoura
Male 9 Student
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
785
Yousif Sa’ad Ramadan al-Kahlut
Male 18 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
786
Lina Abdul Mon’im Nafez Hassan
Female 10 Student
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
787
Eyad Jaber Ibrahim Amen
Male 20 Jobless
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
788
‘Imad Mohammed Fou’ad Abu ‘Askar
Male 14 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
789
Amjad Majdi Ahmed al-Bayed
Male 16 Student
Rimal/ Gaza
790
Mohammed Rezeq al-Banna
Male 25 Member of National Security Service
Deir al-Balah Refugee Camp/ Middle Gaza
Militant
791
Khetam Eyad Fayez al-Daia
Female 9 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
792
Heba Ali Jamil Abu ‘Amsha ( Ma’arouf)
Female 28 Housewife
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Al-Tufah
793
Zeyad Sa’id Hassan Nassar
Male 25 Jobless
Deir al-Balah/ Middle Gaza
Militant
794
Khalil Madi Mohmmed al-Hasanat
Male 21 Jobless
Deir al-Balah Refugee Camp/ Middle Gaza
02-Jan-09
Militant
795
Ala’a Isma’il Jaber Isma’il
Male 19 Student
Al-Bassa area/ Deir al-Balah
02-Jan-09
Militant
796
Ala’a Addin Tawfiq Ghattas al-Fayoumi
Male 35 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
797
Fida’a Farid Salama Abu Sha’ar
Female 20
Wadi al-Salqa/ Middle Gaza
798
Rawda Helal Hussein al-Daia
Female 32 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
799
Mohammed Hashem Isma’il ‘Afana
Male 22 Jobless
Deir al-Balah/ Middle Gaza
Vicinity of Middle Gaza Police Station
Militant
800
Mohammed Mohammed Abou She’ira
Male 24
Deir al-Balah Refugee Camp/ Middle Gaza
Militant
801
Rafiq Abdul Baset Saleh al-Khudary
Male 16 Student
Rimal/ Gaza
802
Tazal Isma’il Mohammed al-Daia
Female 28 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
803
Salsabil Ramez Fayez al-Daia
Female 5 mnths
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
804
Ahmed ‘Abed Hamad al-Hasanat
Male 32 Policeman
Deir al-Balah Refugee Camp/ Middle Gaza
02-Jan-09
805
Hassan Ahmed Masmah
Male 21 Policeman
Deir al-Balah Refugee Camp/ Middle Gaza
02-Jan-09
806
Mohammed ‘Ata Hassan ‘Azzam
Male 13 Student
Al-Mughraqa/ Middle Gaza
807
Abdul Jalil Hassan Abdul Jalil al-Halis
Male 8 Student
Al-Shati Refugee Camp/ Gaza
808
Nesrin Suleiman Abu Sweireh
Female 24 Housewife
Al-Sawarha area/ Middle Gaza
04-Jan-09
809
Sahar Hatem Hesham Daoud
Female 17 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
810
Hassan ‘Ata Hassan ‘Azzam
Male 20 mnths
Al-Mughraqa/ Middle Gaza
811
‘Ata Hassan ‘Azzam
Male 44
Al-Mughraqa/ Middle Gaza
812
Zakaria Yahya Ibrahim al-Tawil
Male 5
Behind the al-Qassam Mosque/ Nuseirat/ Middle Gaza
Block 2
813
Mahmoud Abdullah ‘Eteiwa Abou Sha’ar
Male 26
Wadi al-Salqa/ Deir al-Balah/ Middle Gaza
JANUARY 7, 2009
814
Abdul Rahman Jamil Badawi (Qasem)
Male 25
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
815
Hammam Mohammed Khamis Issa
Male 26
Block 3/ al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
Militant
816
Hassan Salem Naji al-Hawwari
Male 80
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
817
Tawfiq Khaled Isma’il al-Kahlut
Male 12 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
818
Mo’in Akram Ahmed Selmi
Male 34
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Militant
819
Hassan Khalil Ahmed al-Kahlut
Male 20
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
820
‘Ula Maso’ud Khalil ‘Arafat
Male 27 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
04-Jan-09
821
Rabi’a Mesbah Mahmoud al-‘Arini
Male 49 Worker
Tal al-Za’atar/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
822
Basel Sami Rezeq Sbeih
Male 28 Farmer
Al-Seyafa area/ Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
Militant
823
Rezeq Sami Rezeq Sbeih
Male 42 Farmer
Al-Seyafa area/ Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
824
Mahmoud Asa’ad Mohammed Fattouh
Male 24 Worker
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Al-Sha’af/ Gaza
Militant
825
Abdullah Jihad Hussein Juda
Male 15 Student
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
826
Mahmoud Zaki Issa Hmeid
Male 18 Student
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
827
Jebril ‘Ateya Ibrahim Mansour
Male 19 Student
Al-Zawya Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
828
Wafa’a Nabil ‘Ali Abu Jarad
Female 21 Housewife
Beit Hanoun/ Northern Gaza
05-Jan-09
829
Nasim Salama Ispero Saba
Male 25 Electrician
Sheikh Radwan / Gaza
830
Ahmed Fawzi Hassan Lubbad
Male 17
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Militant
831
Nader Bassam Ibrahim Qaddoura
Male 17 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/
Northern Gaza
832
Mohammed Maher Nemer Badawi (Qasem)
Male 18 Worker
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
833
Ihab ‘Isam Rajab al-Harazin
Male 22 Policeman
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
27-Dec-08
‘Arafat Police City/ Gaza
834
Basel Nabil Ibrahim Faraj
Male 21 Journalist
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
27-Dec-08
Tal al-Hawa
835
Radwan Mohammed Radwan ‘Ashour
Male 12 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
836
Mohammed Khaled Isma’il al-Kahlut
Male 43 Student
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
837
Hatem Walid Salem Ghazal
Male 42 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
838
Nasha’at Sami Rezeq Sbeih
Male 24 Farmer/ student
Al-Seyafa area/ Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
Militant
839
Majed Subhi Ramadan Mushtaha
Male 22
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Militant
840
‘Azmi Mohammed Ibrahim Diab
Male 22 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Militant
841
Ahmed Yousif Mohammed Hassanein
Male 21 Employee
Block 4/ al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
842
Ahmed Salah Ali Hawwas
Male 19 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
Militant
843
Abdul Rahman Mohammed Radwan ‘Ashour
Male 11 Student
Al-Zaytoon / Gaza
844
Husam Ra’ed Rezeq Subuh
Male 12 Student
Beit Lahiya/ Northern Gaza
845
Mustafa Rashad Fadel al-Khaldi
Male 18 Student
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
846
Sherif Zaki Rezeq Subuh
Male 22 Farmer
Al-Seyafa area/ Beit
Lahiya / Northern Gaza
Al-Seyafa area / Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
Militant
847
Abdul Karim Shafiq Hussein Hassan
Male 18 Student
Al-Saftawi area/ Northern Gaza
Al-‘Atatra area/ Northern Gaza
848
Habib Khaled Isma’il al-Kahlut
Male 14 Student
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
849
Ihsan ‘Eleyan Abdul Rahman al-Ashqar
Male 24 Employee
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
850
Sabri Mohammed Hassan Salman
Male 55 Worker
Tal al-Za’atar/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
851
Mohammed Ali Ahmed Mohammed al-Sultan
Male 56 Jobless
Al-Salatin Area/ Northern Gaza
Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
Militant
852
Mohammed ‘Eleyan Abdul Rahman al-Ashkar
Male 30 Employee
Jabalia / Northern Gaza
Al-‘Amoudi Neighborhood/ Northern Gaza
853
Tayseer Mohammed Abdul ‘Aziz Zumlot
Male 50 Security forces officer
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
854
Anas ‘Aref Baraka
Male 8 Student
Al-Mahatta Area/ Wadi al-Salqa/ Deir al-Balah/ Middle Gaza
04-Jan-09
855
Salem Hamid Salem Abu Muosa
Male 23 Teacher
Khan Younis Refugee Camp/ Khan Younis
Militant
856
Hassan Rateb Mohammed Sama’an
Male 18 Student
Khan Younis Refugee Camp/ Khan Younis
Militant
857
Hamza ‘Oda Mohammed al-Khaldi
Male 25 Policeman
Block 12/ al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
27-Dec-08
858
Salem Harb Hammad al-Bensh
Male 57 Nurse
Al-Salam Neighborhood/ Rafah
859
Mohammed Farid Ahmed al-Ma’asawabi
Male 16
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaaza
860
Abdullah Mohammed Shafiq Abdullah
Male 11 Student
Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
06-Jan-09
Near al-Fakhoura School/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
861
Mohammed Farid Abdullah
Male 32 Employee
Jabalia Town / Northern Gaza
Militant
862
Mohammed Mohammed Hassan Ma’arouf
Male 60 Jobless
Izbat Abed Rabbu / Northern Gaza
Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
863
Safeya Salem Hussein Abu Heidar
Female 40 Housewife
Al-‘Atatra Area/ Northern Gaza
864
Tareq Mohammed Nemer Abu ‘Amsha
Male 22 Employee
Al-Amal Neighborhood/
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
865
Hazem ‘Eleyan Abdel Rahman al-Ashkar
Male 31 Employee
Jabalia / Northern Gaza
866
Jihad Rashad Mohammed al-‘Asali
Male 20 Student
‘Amer Housing Project/ Norhern Gaza
Jabalia / Northern Gaza
867
Khadija Abdul Razeq Abdul Fattah Zumlot
Female 70
Jabalia Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
868
Khaled Isma’il Mohammed al-Kahlut
Male 44 Worker
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
869
Bader Mohammed Mousa Abu Rashed
Female 70 Jobless
Izbat Abed Rabbu / Northern Gaza
870
Mohammed Mohammed Ahmed Abu Rokba
Male 85 Jobless
Jabalia / Northern Gaza
871
Su’ad Khaled Mohammed Munib ‘Abed Rabbu
Female 7 Student
Izbat Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
872
Amal Khaled Mohammed Munib ‘Abed Rabbu
Female 2
Izbat Abed Rabbu / Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
873
Ibrahim Abdul Rahim Rajab Suleiman
Male 18 Student
Jabalia / Northern Gaza
Militant
874
Ahmed Adib Faraj Jneid
Male 25 Student
Al-Nader Steet/ Northern Gaza
Al-Zawya Street/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
875
Shadi ‘Isam Yousif Hamad
Male 32 Employee
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
05-Jan-09
Zemmu Roundabout/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
JANUARY 8, 2009
876
Yousif Zeyad Ahmed Zaqout
Male 24 Policeman
Al-‘Alami Housing Project/ Jabalia Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
03-Jan-09
877
Jihad ‘Awwad ‘Oda Abu Mdeif
Male 56
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis
878
Bassam Sha’aban Ibrahim Abu Quta
Male 26 Worker
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Hammouda Roundabout/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
879
Hamed Mohi Addin al-Smeiri
Male 58 Worker
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis
880
Ahmed Mubarak Ahmed al-Sharihi
Male 65
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis
881
Basem Mohammed Shehda Dheir
Male 22
Sheja’eya / Gaza
882
‘Umar Ali Hammad Abu Magheisib
Male 20 Jobless
Wadi al-Salqa Village/ Middle Gaza
883
Ahmed Mohammed Mahmoud al-Astal
Male 27
Khan Younis
Militant
884
Ibrahim Mo’in al-‘Abed Juha
Male 14 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
05-Jan-09
885
Amr Mohammed Abdallah Nassar
Male 21 University student
Nuseirat New Refugee Camp/ Middle Gaza
Militant
886
Ala’a Mohammed Shehda Dheir
Male 23 Jobless
Sheja’eya / Gaza
887
Matar Sa’ad Abu Halima
Male 17
Izbat Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
Al-‘Atatra Area/ Northern Gaza
888
Basma Yaser ‘Abed Rabbu al-Jallawi
Female 5
Izbat Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp / Northern Gaza
889
‘Amer Ibrahim Khalil Ba’alousha
Male 10 Student
Apartment Building 12/ Al-Zahra’a City/ Middle Gaza
890
Halima Mohammed Hassan Badwan
Female 61 Jobless
Izbat Abed Rabbu / Northern Gaza
891
Asa’ad Mohammed Asa’ad al-Jamala
Male 24
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
892
Albina Vladimir yousif al-Jaru
Female 25 Physician / military medical services
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Sheja’eya
893
Bara’a Eyad Samih Shalha
Male 7 Student
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
894
Mohammed Khader ‘Abed Rajab
Male 17
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
895
Yousif ‘Awni Abdul Rahim al-Jaru
Male 2
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
896
Islam Jaber ‘Arafat Abdul Dayem
Male 16 Student
Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
05-Jan-09
Izbat Beit Hanoun / Northern Gaza
897
Ra’ed Nafez Ahmed al-Malfouh
Male 27 Employee
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Militant
898
Mohammed Ali Hassan al- Sultan
Male 55 Jobless
Beit Lahiya Housing
Project / Northern Gaza
Al-Salatin Area/ Northern Gaza
899
Anwar Jabr Abdul Hafiz Abu Salem
Male 24
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Militant
900
Mohammed Nafez Deeb al-Hendi
Male 25 Jobless
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Militant
901
Usama Sa’id Mohammed Lubbad
Male 18 Student
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
902
Ahmed Talal Dader
Male 20
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
903
Ruqaya Mohammed Mohammed Abou al-Naja
Female 55 Housewife
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon
904
Ashraf Hassan Salman Kali
Male 18 Worker
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
905
Fawzi Mahmoud Abu al-‘Araj
Male 21
Deir al-Balah Refugee Camp/ Middle Gaza
Militant
906
Njud Rajab Ghabin
Female 30 Housewife
Al-‘Atatra Area/ Northern Gaza
Beit Lahiya/ Northern Gaza
907
Ihab Jamal Hassan al-Wheidi
Male 32 Journalist
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
908
Jamal Ahmed Hussein Nashwan
Male 42 Employee
Al-Amal Neighborhood/ Beit Hanoun/ Northern Gaza
909
Abdul Nasser Khalil Hassan ‘Oda
Male 21 Student
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
Militant
JANUARY 9, 2009
910
Jawad Mahmoud Mohammed al-Hessi
Male 37 Journalist
Al-Shati Refugee Camp/ Gaza
911
Ala’a Hammad Mahmoud Murtaja
Male 26 Journalist
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
912
Fatma Fayez Mohammed al-Haw
Female 22 Housewife
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
913
Sa’id Mohammed Yousif Abu Matar
Male 51 Jobless
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
914
Suheib Mohammed al-Qara’an
Male 16 Student
Northern Qara’a/ al-Zawayda Village/ Middle Gaza
915
Nariman Ahmed Abdul Karim Abu ‘Oda
Female 16 Student
Al-Amal Neighborhood/ Beit Hanoun/ Northern Gaza
916
Fatma Ra’ed Zaki Jad Allah
Female 11 Student
Tal al-Za’atar/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
917
Reyad Yahya Mohammed al-Qara’an
Male 21
Northern Qara’a/ al-Zawayda Village/ Middle Gaza
Militant
918
Shams ‘Umar Khamis ‘Umar
Male 22
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
Militant
919
Fatma Sa’id Mustafa Sa’ad
Female 43 Jobless
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
920
Ahmed Mohammed ‘Uda al-Kurd
Male 31 Jobless
Al-Qerem Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
921
‘Ammar Salim Mohammed al-Kayal
Male 35 Jobless
Al-Shati Refugee Camp/ Gaza
922
Baha’a Addin Zaki ‘Antar Eslim
Male 24 Jobless
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
923
Rana Fayez Nour Salha
Female 12
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
924
Sha’aban Mohammed Sha’aban Mushtaha
Male 22 Policeman
Sheja’eya / Gaza
‘Arafat Police City/ Gaza
925
Randa Fayez Mohammed Salha
Female 35 Housewife
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
926
Baha’a Addin Fayez Nour Salha
Male 5
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
927
Ramez Mahmoud Kamel Abu al-Kheir
Male 29
Sheja’eya / Gaza
Militant
928
Mohammed Hussein al-Qara’an
Male 40
Northern Qara’a/ al-Zawayda Village/ Middle Gaza
Militant
929
Hussam Ibrahim Mteir Nassar (al-Qara’an)
Male 23
Northern Qara’a/ al-Zawayda Village/ Middle Gaza
930
Basem Ibrahim Hussein al-Qra’an
Male 24
Northern Qara’a/ al-Zawayda Village/ Middle Gaza
931
Shahd Sa’ad Allah Matar Abu Halima
Female 2
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
932
Isma’il Ayman Jamil Yasin
Male 17 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
933
Deya’a Addin Fayez Nour Salha
Male 14 Student
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
934
Rula Fayez Nour Salha
Female 2
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
935
‘Is’id Suleiman Sa’id al-Rweidi
Male 54 Worker
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
936
Ibrahim Mahmoud Ahmed Weshah
Male 25 Policeman
Main Roundabout/ Nuseirat/ Middle Gaza
Nuseirat Refugee camp 1/ Middle Gaza
937
Mohammed Ibrahim al-Qara’an
Male 56 Fisherman
Northern Qara’a/ al-Zawayda Village/ Middle Gaza
938
Eyad Saber Nassar
Male 28
Northern Qara’a/ al-Zawayda Village/ Middle Gaza
939
Mohammed Mubarak al-‘Abed Saleh
Male 65 Jobless
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
940
Ibrahim Rashid Abdul Ghani Qweider
Male 25 Electrician
Near al-Quds Open University/ Nuseirat/ Middle Gaza
Militant
941
Ahmed Ibrahim Selmi Abu Qleiq
Male 18
Bedouin Village/ Northern Gaza
942
Ibrahim Mustafa Sa’id
Male 17
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
943
Wedad Mohammed al-Qara’an
Female 17 Student
Northern Qara’a/ al-Zawayda Village/ Middle Gaza
944
Halima Ismail Ibrahim Saleh
Female 57 Housewife
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
945
Mohammed Othman Khalil Ishteiwi
Male 29 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
946
Mazen Sa’id Mohammed Abu Matar
Male 29 Policeman
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
947
‘Umar Khader Mohammed Juma’a
Male 18
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Al-Isra’a Neighborhood/ Northern Gaza
Militant
948
Ala’a Ahmed Fathi Jaber
Female 13 Student
Gaza Old Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
949
Sumaia Juma’a Sa’id Sa’ad
Female 20 Jobless
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
950
Ghanima Sultan Fawzi Halawa
Female 11 Student
Jafa Street/ Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
951
Ahmed Ibrahim Ahmed Juma’a
Male 24 University student
Al-Twam area/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
952
Tamer Jamal Mahmoud Abu Hlayel
Male 24 Worker
Near al-Shuhada Roundabout/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
953
Jamal Hussein Msallam al-Smeiri
Male 23
Al-Qarara / Khan Younis
Militant
954
Usama Mohammed Ahmed Juma’a
Male 29 Driver
Al-Twam area/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Al-Isra’a Neighborhood/ Northern Gaza
Militant
955
Hesham Mahmoud Deeb Senan (Mansour)
Male 23 Worker
Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza
JANUARY 10, 2009
956
Sufyan Abdul Hay Juda Abed Rabbu
Male 25 Worker
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
957
Ahmed Subhi Khalaf Ahel
Male 21 Policeman
Al-Yarmouk Street/ Gaza
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
Militant
958
Younis Mohammed Ahmed Hamad
Male 19 Hairdresser
Al-Shati Refugee Camp/ Gaza
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
Militant
959
Amir Yousif Mahmoud al-Mansi
Male 25 Engineer/ member of the Civil Defense
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Rimal
960
Sami Mohammed Saleh Abed Rabbu
Male 25
‘Amer Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
961
Samed Mahfouz Mahmoud Abed Rabbu
Male 16 Student
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
962
Ana’am Abed Darwish Baba
Female 32 Housewife
Near al-Ansar Mosque/ al-Barrawi area/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
963
Ramez Jamal Faraj Abed Rabbu
Male 38 Worker
The Court Street/ Jabalia / Northern Gaza
964
Yusri Mahmoud Juda Abed Rabbo
Male 19 Worker
The Court Street/ Jabalia / Northern Gaza
965
Hanan Fathi Qdeih ak-Najjar
Female 41 Housewife
Khza’a/ Khan Younis
966
Mohammed Nafeth Mohammed al-Helu
Male 21 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
967
Mohammed Majed Ali Hussein
Male 17 Student
Al-Naser/ Gaza
Al-Mukhabarat Apartment Buildings/ Gaza
968
Tareq Ibrahim Mohammed Abu Tabikh
Male 26
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Militant
969
‘Ahed Kamel Shehada
Banar
Male 23 Employee Sheja’eya/ Gaza
970
Shadi Fathi Ahmed Jneid
Male 28 Worker
Jafa Street/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
971
Abdul Rahman Ahmed Habboush
Male 4
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
972
‘Amer Kamal Ali al-Nether
Male 15 Student
Al-Nader Steet/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia / Northern Gaza
973
Sami Bashir Abed Sa’ad
Male 32 Policeman
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
27-Dec-08
‘Arafat Police City/ Gaza
974
Ahmed Juma’a Suleiman al-Sha’er
Male 21 Student
Kherbat al-‘Adas Village/ Rafah
975
Rashid Hamdan Shehda Dheir
Male 24 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
976
Medhat Fares Mahmoud Hajjaj
Male 76 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
977
Wesam Ibrahim Mesbah Nabhan
Male 17 Student
Al-Nuzha Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia / Northern Gaza
978
‘Ata Kamal Abdul Rahman al-Dahdouh
Male 23 Policeman
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
979
Mohammed Mustafa Rebhi Abdul Khaleq Hussein Abed Rabbu
Male 18 Jobless
The Court Street/ Jabalia / Northern Gaza
980
Abdul Mu’ti Rateb Abdul Mu’ti Salman
Male 22 Worker
Al-Khazan Neibourhood/ Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
981
Abdul Hakim Khader Mohammed Al- Sultan
Male 15 Student
Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza
982
Ibrahim Mohammed Ghali ‘Asaleya
Male 42
‘Asaleya Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
983
Ali Kamal Ali al-Nether
Male 11 Student
Al-Naser Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia / Northern Gaza
984
Izz Addin Ali ‘Awad al-Burs
Male 17 Student
Al-Nouri Tower/ Nuseirat/ Middle Gaza
985
Hassan Mohammed Mahmoud Harb
Male 22
Block 3/ al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
Militant
986
Amina Nafeth Mohammed al-Helu
Female 14 Student
Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
987
Ahmed Hamed Hassan Abu ‘Eita
Male 24 Policeman
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
03-Jan-09
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
988
Bayan Khaled Ibrahim Khalif
Male 13 Student
Beit Lahiya Housing Project / Northern Gaza
989
Ibrahim Mohammed Mustafa Abu Hmeidan
Male 74
‘Asaleya Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
990
Randa Jamal Faraj Abed Rabbu
Female 43 Housewife
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
991
Sami Mohammed Ahmed Saleh
Male 32 Worker
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
992
Mohammed Jaber Mohammed ‘Eleyan
Male 16 Student
Aslan Street/ Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
993
Rami Jamal Ramadan Salman
Male 24 University student
Al-Khazan Neibourhood/ Beit Lahiya / Northern Gaza
994
Daoud Mohammed Ghali ‘Asaleya
Male 35
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
995
Fatma Mohammed Ahmed Tbeil
Female 82 Housewife
Nuseirat New Camp/ Middle Gaza
996
Sami ‘Umar Sa’id Salman
Male 37
Beit Lahia / Northern Gaza
JANUARY 11, 2009
997
Ala’a Addin Fathi Saleh Bashir
Male 42 Jobless
‘Amer Housing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
998
Abdul Rahman Tawfik Mustafa al-Kashif
Male 20 Student
Sheikh ‘Ejleen/ Gaza
Militant
999
TasnimYaser Jaber al-Rafati
Female 2.5
Mas’oud Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1000
Muhannad Mazen Jamil al-Naji
Male 19
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Sheikh ‘Ejleen/ Gaza
Militant
1001
Jamila Hassan Zyada Zyada
Female 77 Housewife
‘Amer Housing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1002
Zakareia Hamed Khamis al-Samouni
Male 8 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
04-Jan-09
1003
Abdullah Arafat ‘Eid Shamalakh
Male 37
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
Militant
1004
Mahmoud Ahmed Abdul Fattah Shamalakh
Male 28
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
Militant
1005
Khawla Ahmed Ramadan Ghaben
Female 15 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1006
Sahar Ahmed Ramadan Ghaben
Female 17 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Izbat Dawwas
1007
Belal Yahya Mohammed Khalaf
Male 19 Jobless
Near al-Twam Roundabout/ ‘Amer Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1008
Ibrahim Yousif Mohammed Hamdan
Male 18
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
Militant
1009
Fatma Mohammed Rushdi Ma’arouf
Female 16 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1010
Ibrahim ‘Ayesh Taha Suleiman
Male 21 Student
‘Amer Housing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1011
Musa’ab Abdul Mohsen Ali Khader
Male 14 Student
Jafa Street/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1012
Mohammed Mansour Shokri Sa’ada
Male 20
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
Militant
1013
Suhaib Ala’a Addin Fathi Bashir
Male 20 Student
‘Amer Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
1014
Ibrahim Mohammed Hussein Khalaf
Male 40 Worker
Near al-Twam Roundabout/ ‘Amer Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1015
Rami Mohammed Sa’id Abu al-‘Ata
Male 29
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Militant
1016
Jihad Rashad Sha’aban Dallul
Male 16 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
03-Jan-09
1017
Lamia’a Hassan Rashid Bashir
Female 42 Housewife
‘Amer Housing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1018
Fares Tala’at Asa’ad Hammouda
Male 2
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
1019
Wajih Ahmed Wasfi Mushtaha
Male 24
Al-Sha’af/ Gaza
Militant
1020
Mohammed Abdullah Mustafa al-Sha’er
Male 25 Worker
Msabbeh Village/ Rafah
Kherbat al-‘Adas Village/ Rafah
1021
Dalal ‘Ashour Asa’ad Aal-Qatati “Hannouna”
Female 50
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
1022
Mahmoud Jamal Hassan Mohammadin
Male 16 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
1023
Ali Ishaq Ali Shamalakh
Male 22
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
Militant
1024
‘Isam Ishaq Ali Shamalakh
Male 22
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
Militant
1025
Ramzi Rafe’ Matar Abu Ghanima
Male 21
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
Militant
1026
Fathi Shaiboub Ahmed al-Shenbari
Male 21 Jobless
Al-Amal Neighborhood/ Beit Hanoun/ Northern Gaza
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
Militant
1027
Nour Mohammed Nour Addin ‘Emeish
Male 24 Student
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis
Militant
1028
Ibrahim Mahmoud Ahmed al-Jundi
Male 20 Jobless
Al-Sha’af/ Gaza
1029
Mohammed Nasir Abu Jame’ Younis
Male 17 Student
Bani Sheila/ Khan Younis
1030
Mohammed Tala’at Asa’ad Hammouda
Male 17 Student
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
1031
Munther Mahmoud Mohammed al-Jundi
Male 34 Jobless
Al-Sha’af/ Gaza
1032
Amal Najib Mohammed Alloush
Female 12 Student
Near Abu Shbak Clinic/ Mas’oud Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1033
Ala’a Hamed Mohammed Abu Jame’
Male 20 University student
Bani Sheila/ Khan Younis
1034
Mohammed Abed Taher al-Jalb
Male 67 Jobless
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
1035
Baha’a Khaled Abdul Mune’m ‘Abed
Male 26
Al-Jurun area/ Jabalia / Northern Gaza
1036
Haitham Yasser Yousif Ma’arouf
Male 11 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1037
Amal Ahmed Yasin al-Madhoun
Female 22 University student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
09-Jan-09
1038
Usama Khaled Hussein Abu Rjeila
Male 17 Student
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis
JANUARY 12, 2009
1039
Ferial Kamal Mahmoud al-Banna
Female 24 Jobless
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1040
Mustafa Juma’a Ibrahim al-Basha
Male 20 Student
Haifa Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1041
Jabr Hussein Helmi Habib
Male 50 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
1042
Khalil Ahmed Ghali Abu al-Kheir
Male 22
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Palestine Sequare/ Gaza
Militant
1043
Usama Ayoub Yousif al-Seifi
Male 24
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
1044
Ayat Kamal Mahmoud al-Banna
Female 12 Student
Al-Nazla/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1045
Ayman Faraj Habib Shaldan
Male 35 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
1046
Issa Abdul Rahim Saleh
Male 29 Physician / member of military medical services
Jabalia / Northern Gaza
1047
Ahmed Ibrahim Mohammed Abu Jazar
Male 18 Student
Abu Bakr al-Seddiq/ Rafah
1048
Abdul Rahman Mohammed ‘Ateya Ghaben
Male 15 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1049
Mohammed Jamal Mshamekh Nassar
Male 25
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Militant
1050
Mohammed Lutfi Mahmoud al-Hor
Male 19 Student
Block O/ Rafah
Abu Bakr al-Seddiq/ Rafah
Militant
1051
Sha’aban Abdul Moawla Sha’aban al-Ghurra
Male 29
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
1052
‘Anan Nemer Sha’aban Mansour
Male 44 Driver
Jabalia / Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
1053
Fad Allah ‘Imad Hassan al-Najjar
Male 2
Block 2/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
1054
Sa’ad Mohammed Abdullah Hassan
Male 21 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
1055
Mohammed Habib Diab Abu Lubbad
Male 20
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
1056
Ehsan Fawzi Nazmi al-Nadim
Male 33
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
1057
Ala’a Addin Munther Abdul Ra’ouf al-Shafi
Male 27 Worker
Rimal/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
1058
Mohammed Mu’in ‘Ata al-Ketnani
Male 18 Policeman
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
27-Dec-08
‘Arafat Police City/ Gaza
1059
Madallah Ahmed Abu Rukba
Female 81 Housewife
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1060
Abdullah Sa’id Saleh al-‘Imawi
Male 22 Nurse /member of military medical services
Sheja’eya
1061
Tareq Fadel Abdullah Ja’afar
Male 24
Palestine Sequare/ Gaza
Militant
1062
Mohammed ‘Adnan Khalaf al-Haddad
Male 21 Blacksmith
Al-Zaytoon
1063
‘Afaf Rabi’ Hassan Juma’a
Female 30 Housewife
Jabalia / Northern Gaza
Al-Saftawi area/ Northern Gaza
1064
Sharif Sami Ghali Abu al-Kheir
Male 23
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Gaza Minicipality
Militant
1065
Sa’id Mahmoud Hassan al-‘Umary
Male 34 Employee
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
06-Jan-09
1066
Nasha’at Ra’ed al-Firi
Male 12 Student
Jabalia / Northern Gaza
1067
Mamdouh Walid Asa’ad Shhiebar
Male 18 Student
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Al-Sena’a Street/ Gaza
1068
‘Eid ‘Oda al-Shandi
Male 30 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
1069
Raji Rushdi Mahmoud Dalloul
Male 21
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
1070
Mahmoud Ahmed Fares Juha
Male 16
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
1071
Hassan Mohammed Ali Eshteiwi
Male 64 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
1072
Mohammed Hassan Badawi al-B|arrawi
Male 22 Trader
‘Amer Housing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1073
Mahmoud Salamah Mohammed
Male 24
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Al-Rayes Hamada Mountain/ Gaza
Militant
1074
Khaled Hassan Ahmed al-‘Abed
Male 20 Student
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
Al-‘Atatra area/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1075
Younis Mohammed Younis al-Sherbasi
Male 24 Employee
Al-Soudaneya area/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1076
Eyad Taher Ahmed Shehada
Male 17 Student
Al-Nazla area/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1077
Naji Ramzi Yousif Mustafa Meet
Male 21 Jobless
Block 4/ al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
06-Jan-09
JANUARY 13, 2009
1078
Asa’ad Sa’adi Abdul Fattah Ahmed
Male 24 University student
Al-Saftawi area/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1079
Mohammed Abdul Mu’ti Hamad Abu Sneima
Male 31
Al-Shuka Village/ Rafah
Militant
1080
Munir Abdul Aziz Mohammed Abu Sneima
Male 25 Farmer
Al-Shuka Village/ Rafah
Al-Naser Neighborhood/ Rafah
Militant
1081
Abdul Rahman Ibrahim Tawfiq Jaballah
Male 14 Student
Al-Sekka Street/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
1082
Mamdouh Msa’ed Mohammed Qdeih
Male 17 Student
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis
1083
Abdul Majid Shehada Abdul Khaleq Khader
Male 78 Guard
Beit Hanoun/ Northern Gaza
Eastern Road
1084
Hassan Na’im Hassan Abu Hasira
Male 37 Worker
Al-Mansheya Street/ Gaza
11-Jan-09
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
1085
Ala’a Hamed Mohammed Abu Rida
Male 20 University student
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis
1086
Ala’a Khaled Khalil al-Najjar
Female 15 Student
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis
1087
Ashraf Hamdi Mohammed ‘Ayyad
Male 22 Farmer
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
1088
Hani Mohammed Abdullah Abu Rayyan
Male 25 Jobless
?Aslan Neighborhood/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1089
Mahmoud Mohammed Mahmoud Jaballah
Male 14 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
1090
Mazen Fayez Mohammed al-Sherbasi
Male 25
‘Amer Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1091
Mohammed Maher Ahmed al-Zenati
Male 17 Student
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
Al-Andalus Hotel/ Gaza
1092
Belal Mohammed Kamel Diba
Male 21 Student
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Militant
1093
Ghassan Ibrahim Mahmoud Abu Zer
Male 25 Jobless
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis
1094
Mohammed Nader Khalil Abu Sha’aban
Male 17 Student
Rimal/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Militant
1095
Suleiman Juma’a Ibrahim ‘Emeish
Male 19 Student
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis
1096
Fathi Yousif Fathi al-Mzeini
Male 19 Student
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Militant
1097
Yousif Mohammed Ahmed al-Farahta
Male 17 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
1098
Rawheya Ahmed Suleiman al-Najjar
Female 45 Housewife
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis
1099
Ali ‘Umar Ali al-Tannani
Male 24
Al-Twam Area/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1100
Mohammed Jamil Abdullah Qdeih
Male 15 Student
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis
1101
Yahya Jamil Mesbah ‘Ayyad
Male 30 Worker
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
1102
Basem TAla’at Abdul
Male 12 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
Nabi Northern Gaza Camp
1103
Khalil Hamdan Ahmed al-Najjar
Male 75 Farmer
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis
1104
Ibrahim Isma’il Mohammed Dababsheh
Male 22 Employee
Al-Twam area/ ‘Amer Housing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1105
Mahmoud Suleiman Mahmoud al- Najjar
Male 55 Jobless
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis
1106
Murad Rezeq Jamil Tanbura
Male 27 Jobless
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1107
Na’el Rajab Mohammed Ali
Male 34 Employee
‘Amer Housing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1108
Ibrahim Rafiq Saber Abu al-Kheir
Male 27
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
1109
Usama Ahmed al-‘Absi
Male 20 Student
‘Amer Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1110
Majdi Nahed Harb Eselim al-Bassous
Male 15 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
1111
Mohammed Khalil Ibrahim Abu Leila
Male 20 University student
Al-Maqqousi area/ Jabalia/ /Northern Gaza
‘Amer Housing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1112
Hazem Khaled Mahmoud ‘Ayyad
Male 28 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Salah Addin Street/ Gaza
Militant
1113
Amjad Fadel Abdullah Abu Rayyan
Male 24 Jobless
Aslan Neighborhood/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1114
Mohammed Khalil Diab al-Tatar
Male 28 Jobless
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
Militant
1115
Ra’ed Ahmed Mohammed al-Safadi
Male 21 Jobless
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Militant
1116
Nabil Kamal Mohammed Abu Samra (Mekhraq)
Male 19 Government employee
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
1117
Hassan Mohammed Mohammed Abu Zamar
Male 22
Al-Karam Apartment Buildings/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1118
Kamel Jamil Kamel al-Sarhi
Male 22 Student
Al-Maqqousi Apartment Buildings/ Gaza
Al-Soudaneya area/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1119
Mohammed Na’im ‘Ata
Male 25 Policeman
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
‘Arafat Police City/ Gaza
1120
Yasser Abdullah Mousa Qdeih
Male 36 Worker
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis
1121
Mo’men Ahmed Juma’a al-Smeiri
Male 22 Student
Al-Qarara/ Khan Younis
Al-Zanna area/ Khan Younis
1122
Saddam Jamil Salim Abdul Nabi
Male 19
Al-Falouja area/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
1123
Mahmoud Sa’id Mohammed al-Sha’er
Male 47 Money changer
Khan Younis
1124
Feras Fayez Kamel Abu Samra
Male 17 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
1125
Mohammed Zaki Ahmed (Abu ‘Oda) Abu Teir
Male 20 Student
Abasan al-Kabira/ Khan Younis
1126
Mustafa Mohammed Nasser Tawfiq al-‘Ashi
Male 17 Student
‘Amer Housing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1127
Mohammed Medhat Harb Eslim al-Bassous
Male 10 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
1128
Nedal Mohammed Hussein Abu Rida
Male 18 Student
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis
1129
‘Ammar Fadel al-Abed Sa’ad
Male 25 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
1130
Ahmed Kamal Hammouda al-Borlu
Male 23 Policeman
Al-Naser/ Gaza
Near al-Khuzundar Petrol Station/ Al-Soudaneya area/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1131
Hatem Mousa Deeb Abu Daf
Male 24
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
1132
Yasser Shehab Addin ‘Ukasha
Male 27 Egyptian
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1133
Yousif ‘Umar Mohammed Lubbad
Male 23 University student
‘Amer Housing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1134
Na’im Abdullah Ali Abu Rayyan
Male 54 jobless
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1135
Mohammed ‘Adel Khalil al-Ashkar
Male 29 Worker
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1136
Mohammed Ala’a Addin Falah al-Sawafiri
Male 14
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
1137
Rasha Ahmed Khalil al-Skeiri Abu Jame’
Female 21 Housewife
Al-Qarara/ Khan Younis
Al-Zanna area/ Khan Younis
1138
Qasem Tala’at Jamil Abdul Nabi
Male 7 Student
Al-Falouja area/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
1139
Mohammed Maher Mohammed Herzalla
Male 23 Journalist in Al-Quds channel
Rimal/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
1140
Ahmed Juma’a Ahmed Abu Jamous
Male 28 Jobless
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis
1141
Rami Mahmoud Rajab al-Qedra
Male 30
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
JANUARY 14, 2009
1142
Mahmoud Khader Mohammed Abu Kamil
Male 14 Student
Al-Mughraqa village/ Middle Gaza
1143
Ahmed Mohammed Abdul Rahman al-Bursh
Male 47 Jobless
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1144
Izz Addin ‘Adel Khaled al-Farra
Male 14 Student
Al-Qarara/ Khan Younis
1145
Ramzi Rawhi Khalil ‘Awad
Male 25 Jobless
Block 1/ al-Bureij/ Nuseirat/ Middle Gaza
Militant
1146
Mohammed Izz Addin Wahid Mousa
Male 24 Worker
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
1147
Raja’a Mohammed Ghaben
Female 22
Izbat Dawwas/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1148
Mohammed al-Sayed Mohammed ‘Akkila
Male 7 Student
Al-Naser/ Gaza
1149
Shadia Ahmed Jaber (Hassan)
Female 53 Housewife
Al-Maqqousi Apartment Buildings/ Gaza
1150
Izz Addin Wahid Mohammed Mousa
Male 51
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
1151
Tawfiq Hassan Saleh al-Deiri
Male 20
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Militatnt
1152
Reyad Mohammed Ali Mahmoud al-Ra’i
Male 27 Teacher
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
1153
Walid Hamouda Mohammed al-za’about
Male 32 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
1154
Mohammed al-‘Abed Mohammed Naser
Male 24
Near al-Tawba Mosque/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1155
Hussein Mohammed Ahmed al-Sha’er
Male 21
Rafah
Al-Sha’af/ Gaza
Militant
1156
Hammam Mohammed Hassan al-Khudary
Male 16
Al-Sha’af/ Gaza
1157
Sa’ad Allah Matar Mas’oud Abu Halimah
Male 46 Worker
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1158
Tawfiq Fares Shehada Shehada
Male 58
Al-Fayrouz Apartment Buildings/ Gaza
1159
Mazen Asa’ad Salem al-Dhash
Male 31
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
1160
Hadil Jabr Diab al-Rafati
Female 9 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1161
Abdul Rahim Sa’ad Allah Abu Halima
Male 14 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1162
Belal Jamal Isma’il Abu ‘Awwad
Male 17 Student
Block 1/ Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
1163
Hassan Hesham al-Sakka
Male 21
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1164
Khalil Mohammed Mousa Bhar
Male 12 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Al-Sha’af
1165
Samir Mohammed Kamel Mkat
Male 18 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
1166
Hamza Sa’ad Allah Matar Abu Halima
Male 8 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1167
Mohammed Sa’adi Sa’id ‘Eleiwa
Male 23 Worker
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
12-Jan-09
1168
Zeyad Sa’ad Allah Matar Abu Halima
Male 10 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1169
Mahmoud Bakr Mahmoud al-Za’about
Male 20 Jobless
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Militant
1170
Yousif Mustafa Hassan al-Kurdi
Male 21
Al-Shabura Refugee Camp/ Rafah
Al-Naser village/ Rafah
Militant
1171
Ahmed Izz Addin Wahid Mousa
Male 28 Dressmaker
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
1172
Usama Kayed Mohammed Abu Jayyab
Male 45 Dressmaker
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
1173
Nour Izz Addin Wahid Mousa
Male 15 Student
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
1174
Wahid Izz Addin Wahid Mousa
Male 29 Dressmaker
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
1175
Seif Addin Mohammed Ibrahim al-Firani
Male 20 Employee
Al-Nazla area/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1176
Ahmed Mustafa Ahmed Mekdad “Abu Tawaha”
Male 81
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
1177
Akram Matar Mohammed al-Seiqali
Male 54 Taxi driver
Al-Naser Neighborhood/ Rafah
‘Abasan al-Kabira/ Khan Younis
1178
Fares Mohammed Khalil ‘Abdeen
Male 31 Jobless
Al-Naser Village/ Rafah
1179
Uthman Ibrahim ‘Ateya Abu Sneima
Male 21 Farmer
Al-Naser Village/ Rafah
Militant
1180
Ahmed Mohammed Abd Rabbu al-Belbisi
Male 42 Worker
Al-Naser Village/ Rafah
1181
Jihad Ala’a Addin Abdul Rahman al-‘Amassi
Male 19 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
1182
Mohammed Ibrahim Abdul Ghaffar Jahjouj
Male 25
‘Amer Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1183
Haitham ‘Adnan Mohammed Abu al-Qumsan
Male 18 Student
Opposite to ‘Uthman Ibn ‘Affan School/ al-Twam area/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1184
‘Ahed Fayeq ‘Ayesh Abu ‘Asi
Male 27
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Militant
1185
Hamdi Saleh Mohammed Hamada
Male 25 Civil defense member
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1186
Hanan Shaba’an ‘Urabi al- Najjar
Female 40 Jobless
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1187
‘Aisha Ibrahim al-Sayed al-Najjar
Female 4
Al-Nader Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1188
Kafa Mohammed Abdul Rahman al-Nader
Female 38 Housewife
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1189
Mohammed Wajih Mohammed al-Refa’i
Male 24 Worker
Al-Sha’af/ Gaza
1190
Fadi Mohammed ‘Umar Znad
Male 25 Worker
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
1191
Izz Addin Ali Mohammed al-Ashqar
Male 33 Jobless
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1192
Khalil al-‘Abed Jaber (Hassan)
Male 63 Employee
Al-Maqqousi Apartment Buildings/ Gaza
1193
Ahmed Mohammed Ayoub Khella
Male 23 University student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
JANUARY 15, 2009
1194
Mustafa Kamel Ahmed Baraka
Male 44 Jobless
Al-Berka Street/ Deir al-Balah/ Middle Gaza
Rafah
1195
Karim Mesbah Mohammed Abu Sidu
Male 16 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
13-Jan-09
Jafa Street
1196
Rajab Mahmoud Ahmed ‘Elwan
Male 27 Jobless
Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza
1197
Issa Mohammed Jabr Abu ‘Ubeida
Male 17 Student
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
1198
Hala ‘Isam Ahmed al-Mnei’i
Female 1 mnth
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
13-Jan-09
1199
Fathi Daoud ‘Abed al-Kerem
Male 50 Jobless
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
1200
Ala’a Fathi Daoud al-Kerem
Male 14 Student
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
1201
Amir ‘Aziz Mahmoud Abu Reyala
Male 23
Al-Karama Apartment Buildings/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1202
Hamdi Ibrahim Mohammed al-Banna
Male 22
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Militant
1203
‘Uday Salama Yousif al-Haddad
Male 54 Jobless
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
1204
Khader Abdul Ghaffar al-Jadba
Male 41 Teacher
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
1205
Ayman Mohammed Darwish ‘Emara
Male 25 Policeman
Al-Sha’af/ Gaza
10-Jan-09
1206
Shaima’a ‘Adel Ibrahim al-Jdba
Female 9 Student
Al-Sourani Street/ Al-Tufah/ Gaza
1207
Samira ‘Afif Hassan Mousa
Female 48
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
14-Jan-09
1208
Rasmi Mohammed Ali Abu Jarir
Male 36
Al-Heker area/ Deir al-Balah/ Middle Gaza
Rafah
1209
Abdullah al-Souri
Male 24
Al-Karama area/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1210
Yasmin ‘Adel Ibrahim al-Jadba
Female 15 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
1211
Diab Abdul Kader Rajab Mkat
Male 48 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
1212
Mohammed Mzein Mousa Sha’aban
Male 23 Worker
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
1213
Medhat ‘Abed Ali Banar
Male 23 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa
1214
Iman Abdul Kader Eslim
Female 20 Housewife
Rimal/ Gaza
1215
Ahmed Fayez Sha’aban al-Bahtiti
Male 19 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Al-Bashir Mosque/ al-Tufah/ Gaza
1216
Mohammed Nawwaf Ahmed Na’im
Male 24
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon
1217
Sa’eb Nafez Sha’aban al-Bahtiti
Male 18 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
1218
Munther Ghaleb Hamdan Dughmush
Male 41 Jobless
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
1219
‘Ahed Mazen Abdullah al-Ghura
Male 29 Policeman
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon
1220
‘Imad Sa’id Mohammed aa-Najjar
Male 34 Policeman
Al-Karama Apartment Buildings/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1221
Samih Mohammed Mohammed al-Na’oouq
Male 39 Employee
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1222
Zayed Mohammed Mohammed Jneid
Male 30 Member of military medical services
Al-Qerem Roundabout/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1223
Leila Rashid Wahdan Abu Aqlein
Female 66 Housewife
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
1224
Bara’a ‘Ata Hassan Ermeilat
Female 1
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1225
Ramadan Sha’aban al-Barrawi al-Faluji
Male 23 Jobless
Al-Sha’af/ Gaza
Militant
1226
Louay Jabr ‘Ata Hussein
Male 20 University student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
14-Jan-09
Al-Salatin area/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1227
Ahmed ‘Ata Mousa al-Ketnani
Male 19.5 Worker
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
1228
Ahmed Fou’ad Mohammed Thabet
Male 26 Jobless
Berket al-Waz al-Maghazi/ Middle Gaza
Sofa Road/ Rafah
1229
‘Imad Maher Saleh Ferwana
Male 17
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
1230
Ahmed Mzein Mousa Sha’aban
Male 21 Jobless
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
1231
‘Adel Sabri Abu al-‘Own
Male 27
Al-Karama area/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1232
Mohammed Ahmed Abdullah Saleh
Male 62 Jobless
Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza
1233
Amal ‘Ayad ‘Oda (Ermeilat)
Female 30 Housewife
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1234
Mohammed Zeyad Ibrahim Abu ‘Abdu
Male 24
Al-Karama Apartment Buildings/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1235
Abdul Latif Mohammed Mohammed al-Na’ouq
Male 52 Teacher
Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza
1236
Mohammed Ahmed Mahmoud Abdullah
Male 63 Jobless
Al-Twam area/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1237
Mohammed Issa Ahmed al-Shrafi
Male 27
Al-Shati Refugee Camp/ Gaza
Al-Karama area/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1238
Sabrin ‘Ata Hassan Ermeilat
Female 14 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1239
Yahya Mahmoud al-‘Abed al-Quqa
Male 24 Jobless
Al-Shati Refugee Camp/ Gaza
Al-Soudaneya area/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1240
Suheil Younis Ibrahim al-Safadi
Male 18 Student
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Al-Tufah
1241
‘Aisha ‘Eid ‘Ayyad al-Bahri
Female 70 Housewife
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1242
Arij ‘Ata Hassan Ermeilat
Female 2 mnths
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1243
Mohammed Salem al-Na’ouq
Male 75 Retired
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1244
Ala’a ‘Uday Salama al-Haddad
Female 15 Student
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
1245
Ahmed Zuheir Abdul Hamid al-‘Aloul
Male 21 Student
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Militant
1246
Eyad Mohammed Seyam
Male 35 Jobless
Al-Yarmouq Street/ Gaza
1247
Sa’id Mohammed Sha’aban Seyam
Male 48 Legislative Council Memebr
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
1248
Jamal Taha Mohammed Mghames
Male 49 Employee
Al-Maqqousi Apartment Buildings/ Gaza
14-Jan-09
1249
Mahmoud Zuheir Abdul Hamid al-‘Aloul
Male 18 Worker
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Militant
1250
Zuheir Abdul Hamid Ramadan al-‘Aloul
Male 47
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
1251
Hussam Mohammed Sha’aban Eslim
Male 7 Student
Northern Rimal/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon
1252
Ahmed Mohammed Sha’aban Eslim
Male 13 Student
Northern Rimal/ Gaza
1253
Hamdan Jalal Jamil Dughmush
Male 19 Student
Southern Rimal/ Gaza
Militant
1254
Zaki Rafiq Jayab Shheibar
Male 24 Policeman
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Militant
1255
Sahar Ali Sha’aban Eslim
Female 17 Student
Al-Yarmouq Street/ Northern Rimal/ Gaza
1256
Tamer Reyad Ibrahim Faza’a
Male 17 Student
Sheikh ‘Ejlin/ Gaza
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Militant
1257
Na’im Khader Salman Hamada
Male 20 Blacksmith
Al-Sahaba Neighborhood/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Militant
1258
Bilal Mzeinn Mousa Sha’aban
Male 19 Worker
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
1259
Mohammed Faraj Sa’id Dughmush
Male 35
Southern Rimal/ Gaza
Militant
1260
Ehsan Mohammed Zaki al-Haddad
Female 45 Housewife
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
1261
Hanin Fadel Mohammed al-Batran
Female 10 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa
1262
‘Ismat Fathi Daoud al-Qerem
Female 15 Student
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
1263
Ahmed Usama Mohammed Kurtom
Male 7 Student
Northern Rimal/ Gaza
1264
Maher Khaled Ja’afar al-Beik
Male 49 Policeman
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Al-Sabra
1265
Haitham Abdul Hafez Yousif Abdul ‘Al
Male 23
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Militant
1266
Mamdouh Lutfi al-‘Abed Abu al-Ruk
Male 23 University student
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis
1267
Maher Hashem Hamdan Dughmush
Male 50 Jobless
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
1268
Mohammed Zuheir Abdul Hamid al-‘Aloul
Male 23 Student
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Militant
1269
Abdullah Abdul Hamid Hussam Abu Mu’ammar
Male 22 Student
Rafah
14-Jan-09
1270
Shehda Fathi Shihda al-Kurd
Male 28
Yebna Refugee camp/ Rafah
Militant
1271
Hatem ‘Uday Salama al-Haddad
Male 19
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
1272
Ramadan Abdul Hamid Ramadan al-‘Aloul
Male 27
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Militant
1273
Ali Kamal Badawi al-Barrawi
Male 14 Student
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Al-Nafaq Street/ Gaza
1274
Mekbel ‘Eid Salem Jarabi’a
Male 92
Al-Karama Apartment Buildings/ Nortern Gaza
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
1275
Samer Mohammed al-‘Abed Abu ‘Aser
Male 17 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
1276
Tha’er Suheil Ali Hussein
Male 19
Al-Mukhabarat Apartmetn Buildings/ Gaza
1277
Tamer Ibrahim ‘Ateya Abu ‘Aser
Male 24
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Al-Rayes Mountain/ Gaza
Militant
1278
Eyad ‘Adli Ramadan Al-Najjar
Male 25
Mas’oud Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1279
Mohammed Sa’id Mohammed Seyam
Male 22 Policeman
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
1280
Fayez Sha’aban ‘Umar al-Bahtiti
Male 42 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
1281
Mohammed Isma’il Seyam
Male 27 Policeman
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
1282
Samah ‘Ateya Mohammed Seyam
Female 33 Housewife
Al-Yarmouq Street/ Gaza
1283
Ahmed Mansour Husni Hassuna
Male 27 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa
1284
Mohammed Nabil Sha’aban Eslim
Male 20 Student
Al-Yarmouq Street/ Northern Rimal/ Gaza
1285
Farid Hejazi Mohammed al-Helu
Male 23 Security officer
Near al-Rahma Mosque/ al-Sena’a Street/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Militant
1286
Ahmed Ayoub ‘Isam al-Bitar
Male 31 Worker
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Militant
JANUARY 16, 2009
1287
Fayez Ali al-‘Abed Banar
Male 25 Policeman
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
1288
Iman Issa Abdul Hadi al-Batran
Female 11 Student
Block 4/ al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
1289
Hussam Mohammed Ali Abu Daqqa
Male 24 Farmer
Al-Fukhari village/ Khan Younis
1290
Ra’afat Khalil Hamdan Abu al-‘Ela
Male 47 Plumber
Bani Sheila/ Khan Younis
1291
Ibrahim Mohammed Kassab Shurrab
Male 18 University student
Al-Fukhari village/ Khan Younis
1292
Ahmed al-‘Abed Ali Banar
Male 17 Student
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
1293
Kassab Mohammed Kassab Shurab
Male 28 Engineer
Al-Fukhari village/ Khan Younis
1294
Naser Yusif Abdul Hadi al-Siefi
Male 41 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
1295
Hashem Rabah Muhi Addin al-Hetu
Male 47 Trader
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
Palestine Sequare/ Gaza
1296
Abdul Rahman Haitham Juda Zumlut
Male 19 Policeman
Al-Karama Apartment Building/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1297
Rawan Isma’il Mohammed Al-Najjar
Female 7 Student
Gaza Old Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1298
Belal Issa Abdul Hadi al-Batran
Male 6 Student
Block 4/ al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
1299
Ala’a Sa’id Khamis Modad
Male 40
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
1300
‘Umar Mahmoud Ramadanal- Mranakh
Male 18 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1301
Malak Salama Abdul Hay Abu ‘Eita
Female 3
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1302
Hamouda Zayed Ahmed Thabet
Male 21 Farmer
Al-Naser village/ Rafah
Militant
1303
Mohammed Usama Abdul Fattah ‘Eqeilan
Male 21 Jobless
Al-Naser/ Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1304
Anwar Salman Rushdi Abdul Hai Abu ‘Eita
Male 7 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1305
Zakia Abdul Hai Ali Abu ‘Eita
Female 50 Housewife
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1306
Maiar Izzi Addin Mohammed Abu al-‘Eish
Female 15 Student
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ East of Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1307
Noura Shhab Addin Mohammed Abu al-‘Eish
Female 17 Student
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ East of Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1308
Bisan Izzi Addin Mohammed Abu al-‘Eish
Female 21 University student
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ East of Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1309
Aya Izzi Addin Abu al-‘Eish
Female 14 Student
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ East of Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1310
Belal Tysir Taha Mousa
Male 29 Policeman
Opposite to al-Yazji Mosque/ al-Nafaq Street/ Gaza
Militant
1311
Usama Jamal Mohammed ‘Ubeid
Male 21 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
04-Jan-09
Beer al-Na’aja area/ Northern Gaza
1312
Mohammed ‘Atef Mohammed Abu al-Husni
Male 12 Student
Gaza Old street/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1313
Izz Addin Issa Abdul Hadi al-Batran
Male 3
Block 4/ al-Bureij/ Middle gaza
1314
Ashraf Rebhi al-‘Abed Banar
Male 35 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
1315
Ahmed Abdul Hay Hassan al-Safadi
Male 24
Al-Daraj/ Gaza
15-Jan-09
Al-Nafaq Street/ Gaza
Militant
1316
Fadi Hassan Khader Hassanein
Male 24
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
Al-Shati Refugee camp/ Gaza
Militant
1317
Abdullah Nawwaf Ahmed Na’im
Male 19
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
1318
Ehsan Issa Abdul Hadi al-Batran
Male 14 Student
Block 4/ al-Bureij/ Middle Gaza
1319
Al-Mu’taz Bellah Abdul Muttaleb Zidan Dahman
Male 23 Student
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
15-Jan-09
Militant
1320
Subhi Mohammed Khamis Modad
Male 50 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
1321
Hussam Hassan Rajab al-Jmasi
Male 35 Worker
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Militant
1322
Musa’ab Subhi Mohammed Modad
Male 17
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Tal al-Hawa
1323
‘Abed Ali ‘Abed Banar
Male 48 Jobless
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
1324
Mahmoud Khader Fadel Abu Salem
Male 19 Jobless
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
14-Jan-09
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
Militant
1325
Ammar Mohammed Ahmed Hassouna
Male 19 Student
Al-Shati Refugee camp/ Gaza
Al-Soudaneya area/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1326
Ahmed Salamah Abdul Hay Abu ‘Eita
Male 10 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1327
Mohammed Yasser Mansour al-Qerem
Male 22
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
Militant
1328
Abdullah Mohammed Abdul Rahman al-Juju
Male 17 Student
Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
1329
Fayez Sa’id Faraj Shamali
Male 52 Worker
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
1330
Islam Issa Abdul Hadi al-Batran
Female 14 Student
Block 4/ al-Bureij/ Middle gaza
1331
Manal Hassan Ali al-Batran (al-Sha’arawi)
Female 32 Housewife
Block 4/ al-Bureij/ Middle gaza
1332
Nassar Abdul Mahdi Mtawe’
Male 85
Al-Mughraqa Village/ Middle Gaza
1333
Shadi al-‘Abed Ali Banar
Male 28
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
1334
Muhannad ‘Amer Khalil al-Jdeili
Male 8 Student
Block 7/ al-Bureij/ Middle gaza
JANUARY 17, 2009
1335
Mohammed Saleh Sa’id Abu Daiya
Male 52 Farmer
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
1336
‘Ateya Talab Abed Rabbu Abu al-Hsein
Male 45 Employee
Al-Naser Village/ Rafah
1337
Mohammed Abdullah Salama Abu ‘Eteiwi
Male 16 Student
Nuseirat New Refugee Camp/ Middle Gaza
1338
Fatma Mahmoud Abdallah ‘Ubeid
Female 55 Jobless
East of Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
1339
Musa’ab Mohammed Ali Abu al-‘Amarin
Male 22
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
Al-Karama Apartment Buildings/ Gaza
Militant
1340
Jabr Mohammed Mohammed al-Dawawsa
Male 22
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
06-Jan-09
1341
Munir Sami Amin Ahmed Sheibar
Male 15 Student
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
07-Jan-09
1342
Na’im Mohammed Shehada
Male 52 Jobless
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1343
Usama Mohammed Abdullah Khella
Male 30 Worker
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
13-Jan-09
1344
Abdullah Malek Addin al-Hajj Ali
Male 22 Student
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1345
Maryam Abdul Rahman Shaker Abu Daher
Female 87 Jobless
Al-Isra’a Neighborhood/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1346
Eyad Abdul Hay al-Najjar
Male 25 Jobless
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
1347
Mohammed Mohammed Shehda al-Ashkar
Male 4
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1348
Nour Addin Mohammed Jamil Hamada
Male 22 Employee
‘Amer Husing Project/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1349
Rami Nahed Mohammed Abu ‘Ubeid
Male 25
Abu Eskandar area/ Gaza
Al-Mukhabarat Apartment Buildings/ al-Soudaneya area/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1350
Anwar Marwan Fayeq Shehada
Female 14 Student
Al-Ghabbari Neighborhood/ Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza
1351
Fawzeya Fawwaz Ahmed Saleh
Female 4
Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza
1352
Ahmed Fawwaz Ahmed Saleh
Male 5
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
1353
Fathi Mohammed Abdallah ‘Ubeid
Male 63 Trader
Al-Karama Street/ Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
1354
Belal Mohammed Sehda al-Ashkar
Male 6 Student
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1355
Asil Munir Matar al-Kafarna
Female 1
Al-Amal Neighborhood/ Beit Hanoun/ Northern Gaza
1356
Khaled Hafez Khaled al-Turk
Male 25 Cypercafé owner
Al-Karama Apartment Buildings/ Northern Gaza
‘Amer Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
Militant
JANUARY 18, 2009
1357
‘Abed Juma’a Mahmoud ‘Ayyad
Male 80 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
1358
Wa’el Khalil Mesbah Aal-‘Attar
Male 33 Worker
Al-‘Atatra area/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1359
Akram Khader Abdul Kader Ma’arouf
Male 46 Worker
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1360
Ibrahim Mohammed Mousa al-‘Ir
Male 12 Student
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
1361
Rakan Mohammed Mousa al-‘Ir
Male 5
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1362
Feda’a Mohammed Mousa al-‘Ir
Female 18 Student
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
1363
Mohammed Mousa Hassan al-‘Ir
Male 43 Worker
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ East of Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1364
Entesar Farid Suleiman al-Masri
Female 35 Housewife
Al-Masreyen Street/ Beit Hanoun/ Northern Gaza
1365
Nazira Mohammed Khaled Abu al-Kas
Female 61 Housewife
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1366
Khamis Nemer Abdul Latif Zughra
Male 22
Al-‘Atatra area/ Northern Gaza
Al-Karama area/ Northern Gaza
1367
Mohammed Abdul Hadi Mohammed Daher
Male 22 Policeman
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
Civil Administration Headquarters/ Northern Gaza
1368
Amjad Majed Subhi al-‘Attar
Male 23
Al-‘Atatra area/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1369
Iman Nemer Salman al-‘Ir
Female 27 Housewife
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ East of Jabalia/ Northern
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
1370
Bassam ‘Azmi Mohammed al-Hattab
Male 25 Worker
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon
1371
Hakma Abdul Rahman Mustafa al-‘Attar
Female 78 Housewife
Al-‘Atatra area/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
1372
Angham Ra’afat Atalla al-Masri
Female 10 Student
Al-Masreyen Street/ Beit Hanoun/ Northern Gaza
1373
Mahdeya Suleiman Mohammed ‘Ayyad
Female 70 Housewife
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
1374
Salima Mesleh Subhi Sallam
Female 70 Jobless
Al-Karama Street/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Opposite to al-Ja’el Petrol Station/ al-Karama Street/ Northern Gaza
1375
Maher Abdul Azim Abu Rejeila
Male 24 Worker
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis
1376
Issa Mohammed ‘Eyada Ermeilat
Male 12 Student
Al-Shaboura Refugee Camp/ Rafah
1377
Abdul Rahman Ahmed Abed Rabbu al-‘Atawna
Male 16 Student
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
1378
Anwar Salah Ibrahim Abu Tleikh
Male 21 Student
Al-Shuka Village/ Rafah
17-Jan-09
Al-Naser village/ Rafah
1379
Mohammed Naser Hashem al-Tatar
Male 22 Jobless
Al-‘Atatra area/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Al-Karama area/ Northern Gaza
1380
Na’im ‘Aref Eshteiwi
Male 49 Jobless
Al-Tufah/ Gaza
Al-Zaytoon
1381
Fayez Ahmed Mohammed Abu Warda
Male 30
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1382
Eyad Khamis Abed al-Banna
Male 21 Jobless
Al-Nazla area/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1383
Mahmoud Khader Abed Bahar
Male 21
‘Amer Housing Project/ Northern Gaza
16-Jan-09
Al-Karama Roundabout/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1384
Ibrahim Ahmed Abdullah ‘Elwan
Male 32 Jobless
Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1385
Ibrahim Saber Rabi’ Jneid
Male 21 Student
Saleh Dardona Street/ Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1386
Isma’il Abdul Rahim Rajab Suleiman
Male 20 Student
Al-Qasasib Street/ Northern Gaza
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1387
Yousif Anwar Sha’aban Dakka
Male 21 Student
Near Abu ‘Ubeida Ibn al-Jarrah School/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1388
Rezeq Salim Hussein Abu al-Kas
Male 63 Jobless
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
Izbat ‘Abed Rabbu/ Northern Gaza
1389
Fatma ‘Awad Khalil Ghaben
Female 62 Housewife
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
JANUARY 19 – MARCH 3, 2009
1390
Abdullah Naser Abdullah al-Sdoudi
Male 7 Student
Near the Ahli Club/ Nuseirat/ Middle Gaza
19-Jan-09 18-Jan-09
1391
Ala’a Addin Ashraf Khaled Abu al-Kumbuz
Male 24
Sheja’eya/ Gaza
19-Jan-09 27-Dec-08
Near Ansar roundabout/ Gaza
Militant
1392
Jamal ‘Ata Mohammed al-Habashi
Male 43
Employee Sheja’eya/ Gaza
19-Jan-09 15-Jan-09
Al-Sha’af
1393
Mahmoud Hussein Mohammed Matar
Male 27 Jobless
Al-Naser/ Gaza
20-Jan-09 18-Jan-09
Al-‘Amoudi area/ Northern Gaza
1394
‘Imad Abdullah Ahmed Mekdad
Male 20 Student
Nuseirat New Refugee Camp/ Middle Gaza
20-Jan-09 15-Jan-09
Nuseirat / Middle Gaza
Militant
1395
Khamis Nemer Abdul Latif Zughra
Male 22 Worker
Sheikh Radwan/ Gaza
20-Jan-09 17-Jan-09
Al-Twam area/ Northern Gaza
Militant
1396
Belal Subhi Mohammed Nabhan
Male 26
University student
Jabalia/ Northern Gaza
21-Jan-09 17-Jan-09
Militant
1397
Tamer ‘Umar Isma’il al-Louh
Male 17 Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
21-Jan-09 12-Jan-09
Militant
1398
‘Eid ‘Eyada Salem Abu Rabi’
Male 59 Teacher
Al-Mughraqa village/
Middle Gaza
22-Jan-09 04-Jan-09
1399
Abdullah Mohammed Hamdan Abu al-Ruq
Male 17 Student
Khza’a Village/ Khan Younis
23-Jan-09 11-Jan-09
1400
Mohammed Mahmoud Mohammed Jarbou’a
Male 21 Worker
Al-Shati Refugee Camp/ Gaza
25-Jan-09 17-Jan-09
1401
Nansy Sa’id Mohammed Waked
Female 6 mnths
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
25-Jan-09 18-Jan-09
1402
Mohammed Mahmoud Mohammed al-Bori’
Male 40 Policeman
Tal al-Za’atar/ Northern Gaza
26-Jan-09 27-Dec-08
Arafat Police City/ Gaza
1403
Mohammed Yahya Sa’id Baba
Male 11 Student
Near al-Ansar Mosque/ al-Barrawi area/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
26-Jan-09 10-Jan-09
1404
Sedqi Isma’il Mohammed Hammad
Male 26
Al-Sabra/ Gaza
27-Jan-09 04-Jan-09
Al-Katiba Mosque/ Gaza
Militant
1405
Fadi Tysir Mustafa Abdullah
Male 23 Student
Al-Nuzha Street/ Jabalia Town/ Northern Gaza
28-Jan-09 14-Jan-09
1406
Sundus Sa’id Hassan Abu Sultan
Female 4
Jabalia Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
28-Jan-09 17-Jan-09
Refugee Camp/ Northern Gaza
1407
Adham Khamis Mohammed Nasir
Male 35 Worker
Beit Hanoun/ Northern Gaza
29-Jan-09 04-Jan-09
Jabalia / Northern Gaza
1408
Mohammed Rajab Abdu al-‘Awadi
Male 17 Jobless
Al-Daraj/ Gaza
29-Jan-09 27-Dec-08
Al-‘Abbas Police Station/ Gaza
1409
Mohammed Fayez Sa’id al-Sawafiri
Male 35 Jobless
Al-Zaytoon/ Gaza
01-Feb-09 14-Jan-09
1410
Methqal Jamal ‘Ata al-Radi’
Male 22 Employee
Al-Hatabeya Street/ Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
04-Feb-09 17-Jan-09
Militant
1411
Nay Fayez Yousif Hassan
Female 28 Student
Al-Sa’ada apartment building/ Tal al-Hawa/ Gaza
12-Feb-09 05-Jan-09
1412
Mahmoud Mohammed Abdul Rahman ‘Abed
Male 60
Deir al-Balah/ Middle Gaza
15-Feb-09 27-Dec-08
1413
Abdullah Tabil Sha’aban Eslim
Male 17 Student
Northern Rimal/ Gaza
24-Feb-09 15-Jan-09
Rimal
1414
Nihad Mohammed Fayyad Abu Kmeil
Male 29
Al-Mughraqa Village/ Middle Gaza
27-Feb-09 13-Jan-09
1415
Dima Sa’id Ahmed al-Zahal
Female 5
Beit Lahia/ Northern Gaza
03-Mar-09 07-Jan-09
The Israel Today event changed the speakers on us, instead of the Israeli Consul General to Los Angeles, it’s the Deputy Consul Gil Artzyeli. But the act’s still on. Get to Gaylord hall sometime before noon, it’s the conference room at the Southeast corner of the Worner Center building. We’ll stand outside with our repudiation of Mr. Artzyeli’s message, then go inside to assure the discussion steers toward being honest. I found this quote by Artzyeli, addressing the Denver Jewish community earlier this year about the Gaza incursion:
“This is not a war for territory … The first war is to protect the citizens of Israel, the second war is against Iran and the third war is against lies and disinformation.”
Any takers? My first question, if I’m given the chance: Mr. Artzyeli, are you here only to speak, or will you listen?
Cyndy Kulp put together a handout for the occasion:
Human Rights Issues in “Israel Today”
Israel is a pariah nation condemned by the UN and much of the international community for its multiple violations of international human rights law, including:
• Continuing the occupation of the Palestinian people
• Building housing settlements on confiscated land
• Seizing additional land and property from Palestinians to build “The Wall”, highways for the exclusive use of Israelis, and military areas, etc.
• Using extremely disproportionate and indiscriminate force in the invasion of the Gaza Strip during “Operation Cast Lead” in Dec. 2008
• Inflicting heavy casualties on Palestinians, many civilians and children with no way to escape the bombing
• Refusing to compensate the 5.8 million Palestinian refugees and their descendants who were displaced from their homes and properties during 1948
Israeli Diplomats, like our speaker today, should not be given a public platform from which to promote their views as long as they refuse to recognize and cooperate with international laws.
HERE ARE FURTHER DETAILS:
? In June 1967, the Israeli military invaded the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem. These areas of historic Palestine under military control are the “Occupied Territories,” comprising some 3.5 million Palestinians, and they are systematically being incorporated into the state of Israel in violation of international law.
? Life under occupation is very harsh. The Palestinians have virtually no human or civil rights. Unemployment is rampant. In order to go about their daily lives, the people in the Occupied Territories must line up and go through multiple checkpoints manned by the Israeli army. Proper paperwork, including Palestinian ID’s, and permits are required to pass through, and many people are denied entry, even into East Jerusalem which is Palestinian territory and home to many hospitals, schools, and employers.
? Israel has built 200+ settlements in the West Bank, and over 400,000 Israelis have moved onto Palestinian land. Many of the settlers are armed and aggressive extremists, and their actions are regularly protected by Israeli Defense Forces.
? Israel has seized a majority of the West Bank land as military bases, settlements, security areas, “land reserves,” by-pass roads linking settlements with Israel, and other areas forbidden to Palestinians. Palestinians are confined to small fragmented areas resembling Bantustans in an Israeli version of Apartheid.
?? Israel’s sovereignty in Jerusalem is questioned by the international community, and contrary to what the Israelis would like you to believe, Jerusalem does not belong to Israel. This is why other nations have their embassies in Tel Aviv instead.
? East Jerusalem was declared as an occupied territory in UN Security Council Resolution 242 which specifically emphasized the “inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war.” Yet Israel continues to seize homes and land and allow Israeli settlers to move into East Jerusalem.
? Over 10,000 Palestinian homes have been destroyed, leaving 30,000 people homeless. Housing demolitions and displacement are common for Palestinian families, and they are powerless to protect their properties or get legal permission to build homes.
? The Gaza strip remains under siege today. Despite the withdrawal of Israeli settlers in 2005, Israel still controls entry into Gaza. People cannot leave and cannot get the goods and services they need. They are literally locked into a ghetto.
? In Dec. 2008, Israel invaded the Gaza strip, causing massive destruction and Palestinian causalities. The vast majority of the Palestinians killed in Israel’s operation were innocent civilians rather than combatants, according to a new report by B’Tselem, an Israeli human rights organization. Of the 1,387 deaths, 773 were non combatants. 320 of these were under the age of 18, and 109 were women.
? Nine Israelis were killed during the Gaza war — four by rocket fire on southern Israel, including three civilians and one soldier, while the other five were soldiers killed in combat, primarily from “friendly fire” incidents.
? The Goldstone Report which investigated the Gaza Invasion for the UN concluded that both Israel and the Palestinians had committed violations of International Law, but that Israel because of it’s huge army and sophisticated weaponry was more culpable and guilty of Crimes Against Humanity in it’s 2008/09 Gaza onslaught.
? U.S. aid has made Israel’s army one of the most powerful military forces in the world. Israel is using U.S. F-16 fighters and Apache helicopters in attacks against Palestinian civilians. This violates the U.S. Foreign Arms Export Act. Over $3 billion in US foreign aid is given to Israel, and most of it is used for military operations.
There Will Be No Security For ISRAEL Until There Is Justice For PALESTINE.
Resources For more information:
• Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions
• B’tselem: The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories
• Bethlehem University
• Mazin Qumsiyeh
• Machsom Watch
• Breaking the Silence
• Women in Black
• Sabeel• US Campaign to End the Occupation
–END THE OCCUPATION
–COMPLY WITH INTERNATIONAL LAWS
–FREEZE SETTLEMENTS
–NEGOTIATE AN EQUITABLE SOLUTION ON LAND AND WATERThe US claims to be an “honest broker” –fair to both sides– in the so-called peace process. At the same time, the U.S. proclaimed itself the unswerving ally of Israel. These roles are contradictory. Massive U.S. aid funds the occupation. Since 1949, the U.S. has given Israel well over $100 billion in grants, loans and other assistance. This amounts to over $15,000 per Israeli citizen. ?
A genuine peace with a minimum of justice requires an independent and viable Palestinian state on the territories occupied by Israel in 1967 (West Bank, Gaza, East Jerusalem). Jerusalem should be shared as the capital of both Israel and Palestine. Palestine should be an equal neighbor alongside Israel with peace and security for both peoples. ?
Reading more about the Tohono O’odham, I came across this speech by the EZLN’s masked leader Subcomandante Marcos, delivered at a 2006 tribal gathering of SW Native American insurgents. It’s about the other Mexico, in solidarity with the other Americas: “La Otra.”
Compared his words to President Obama today telling the tribal summit in DC: “You will not be forgotten.” Sounds like a eulogy.
Doesn’t it? Or simply another white man’s empty promise. It appears to me that Obama is playing the forked tongue white man to Americans of every color, giving them assurances that they are now in good hands, yet turning his back on them all when the speeches are through. It’s Obama the great equalizer, making sure that all Americans, Red, White, Brown and Black, get treated like they’re black.
EZLN: A Meeting with the O’odham
By Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos
La Otra – The Other Mexico
October 26, 2006Bueno, Compañeras and Compañeros:
First we just want to thank the Monroy family, who is receiving the Sixth Commission and the Karavana’s compañeros, who are giving us lodging here, in… Rancho el Peñasco is it called? Thank you Compañeros and Compañeras. And thank you to all of you who have endured the six hours that we have been here, and I hope you have a little patience for what I am going to say.
We especially want to thank the traditional O’odham authorities. Don José, Doña Ofelia – I don’t see her anymore – Is Doña Ofelia still here? No? Brenda, Doña Brenda? They’re not here either, what a pity. Doña Alicia? Well, that’s what happened to us. The traditional authorities went away and we came to listen to them. No? But Don José is here, as I want to bring a message from the indigenous Zapatista communities to the Tohono O’odham people, and also for the Navajo and Cherokee people.
What the compañero, the Purépecha chief Salvador said, from the National Indigenous Congress, also represents our thinking. The traditional O’odham chief, Doña Ofelia, pointed out something that we already see in the papers. That thing that a few people are promoting here, the National Indigenous Convention, is a lie. It is really directed by someone who was an official under President Vicente Fox, and later was unemployed and is now involved with the National Indigenous Convention, which is really a movement to support López Obrador. The Indian peoples don’t interest them. The documents, which they are presenting, which those people are distributing, make no mention of the San Andrés Accords, which have cost blood and death not just to Zapatistas, but to more than 40 Indian peoples, tribes and nations of Mexico, who are in agreement with that struggle. We are in agreement with what was expressed by Doña Ofelia, the O’odham traditional authority.
“We are Zapatistas. We live in the last corner of this country. We are of Mayan roots. We are people of Tzeltal, Tzotzil, Tojolabal, Chol, Zoque and Mam roots.” And it is our custom at times to speak, when we speak with other Indian peoples, to use a symbolic language with tales and legends – ”sometimes we speak about our history, our goals, with tales, legends and symbolic language, and in this time that we have this message for the O’odham and Navajos and Cherokees, we take this root.” To pass on this message that the Compañeros sent me to tell you, we will use that resource. Our elders, our chiefs, say that the gods made the world, that they made the men and women of corn first. And they specifically put the heart of corn in them. But the corn ran out and some men and women didn’t get a heart. The color of the earth ran out, and they began to look for other colors. Then, the heart of corn touched people who are white, red or yellow. So there are people here who don’t have the dark color of indigenous people, but they have the heart of corn, so they are here with us. Our oldest ones say, our chiefs, that the people who didn’t get a heart, took care of it later, they occupied the empty space with money, and that it doesn’t matter what color those people have, they have a heart that is the green color of money. And our old ones also say that, every once in a while, the land seeks to protect its O’odham Representative Doña Ofeliaand Subcomandante Marcos children, the men and women of corn. And that a time comes – which is when the night is the most difficult – when the land gets tired and needs those men and women to help it live.
They were killing our people with diseases, we were going to disappear, just like the Kiliwa people are disappearing, a few hundred kilometers from here where we are, where there are only 54 families left. And of them, only four speak the Kiliwa language here in Mexico, on this side.
We want to say to the O’odham nation, to the Navajo – I don’t know if Michelle is still here? No, not her either, well, we don’t have any messenger, I hope that someone tapes it… pardon me, Michelle. What happened is that in our land, our chiefs – I am a Subcomandante, because I am not the chief – my chiefs are men and women like Doña Ofelia, like Don José, 100 percent indigenous. And it fell on me – together with other compañeros – to do other work.
We were already dead and we were called upon to become warriors, according to our legend. And as we were dead, we became what we are: shadows. And in a strict sense we are that: “shadow’s warriors or warriors of the shadows.” And January 1, 1994, on the wall of a bank in San Cristóbal de las Casas, appeared a sign that we painted which said: here we are the forever dead, dying again, but now to live. And that was the message that we were giving to the rest of the world: that in this country and on this planet, one had to fight and be willing to die to be able to survive.
In the story that we are telling – or what they ordered us to tell you – the land protected us after the Spanish invasion, and it made us survive and resist the North American invasion, and it made us live. And after the invasion of money or big capital, the land that made us survive is at the point of dying, precisely because of those above. If you think that they are going to conform themselves to seeing us as poor people, without schools, without medicine, you are wrong: they want us to disappear completely.
For entire decades we have been living with diseases, without education, scratching the earth to be able to take some produce from it. Now they also want that land. The Escalera Nautica will mean the total disappearance of the Yoreme, the Mayo, Cucapá and Yaqui peoples from the whole coast of Sinaloa, Sonora, Baja California and Baja Sur, for hotel and tourist businesses. There’s not going to be anything more than deceit from the government, for the Yoreme, the Yaqui, the O’odham, the Cucupá and the Kiliwa.
The governments and those who lead them want that land to convert it into a commodity. If we permit that, this land is going to be destroyed. And that which protected us, that made us survive, is also going to die. And if that land and that world die, there will be no reason to fight, or to live, or to study.
What we are proposing here is that we have to unite as Indian peoples. Land dies the same way in O’odham, Navajo, Cherokee, Tzeltal, Tzotzil, Purépecha and Náhuatl territory, and we must unite, but not only in Mexico, but on the whole continent.
They, those who are up above, have already shown for hundreds of years, for centuries, that the only thing that they have done has been to destroy the earth. No more – “no more that’s enough” – it’s sufficient. Now we have to take the land’s destiny and its defense into our hands. Don’t leave it one minute more in the hands of the rich. We, those who have the color of the earth and hearts of corn, without regard to our skin color – we have to do it, because if we don’t, the whole world is going to disappear.
To the one who has money, what’s happening is not important. O’odham and Navajo territory is now a territory of death. Your fields, where your culture flourishes, is where poor Mexicans are killed, families who try to cross to the other side. The O’odham and Navajo people cannot permit that. You know that they are converting our lands, besides, into their garbage can: we are their garbage dumps. Toxic wastes, nuclear wastes, are not going to the residential zones, not in New York or Washington: they are going to Indian lands. And land is like the human body; one cannot inject poison into one part without affecting the rest. They think that they will only poison O’odham and Navajo land. They are going to poison everything and they are going to destroy it.
As the National Indigenous Congress compañero said: “we came to invite you, not to ask the government, but to get rid of it.” Not to be praying that the North American and Mexican governments respect O’odham territory, which is divided by the borderline. And we know that the borderline crosses through your people’s ceremonial center. We want that border to disappear, so that once again the O’odham, Navajo and Cherokee nations exist, as well as our peoples, because they already demonstrated that they cannot conduct this world and take it to a good end. We have to do it, not just for our Indian peoples, but for all humanity. Therefore, we say that our struggle is for humanity and against neoliberalism.
We wanted to invite you to join this movement, which is called the Other Campaign, so that as Indian peoples, the history of each 100 years is not repeated again. It is going to be repeated, but one part is going to change.
In 1810, we struggled for independence against Spanish power; in 1910, against the landowner’s power. In 2010 – and even before – we will struggle against the power of money. But, differently than the 200 and 100 years before, now the Indian peoples will have to be respected. The same thing will not occur again: that another comes to power and the Indian peoples disappear again, or suffer the same poverty and scorn. Therefore, as Indian peoples, we form separately inside of the Other Campaign, and separately we talk to each other and separately we make agreements.
Those who are up there above, compañeros and compañeras of Sonora – Yaquis, Yoremes, Cucapás, O’odham – are only going to deceive you. They are going to buy off one or two of you, they are going to take them on a trip – like traveling around with those who distributed the paper just now – around the world, but their people are going to disappear. And if you are the leaders, it is certain, they are going to take you to hotels, or to the conventions those that the politicians have, but your people are going to disappear. And photos of your leaders are going to come out in the newspapers, but the garbage dump is going to poison your land.
And there will be many gatherings and declarations, but our poor Mexican men and women are going to continue dying on Navajo land, or on the land of the O’odham. Those things are not going to change if we continue believing in those above.
And that’s what the Sonoran government is going to do, after this meeting you are going to see it. It is going to declare that it will resolve the indigenous problem, it is going to seek you out and it is going to invite you to the big hotels; it’s going to give you good food, and it is going to put papers in front of you to sign. It is going to give you some aid and some credit. But nothing, absolutely nothing, is going to change in your territories.
The San Andrés Accords, which are the ones that represent the agreement of more than 40 peoples, tribes, nations and neighborhoods of the Indian peoples of Mexico, they say one thing that everyone forgets they say: that indigenous territory is indigenous. No one can do anything in indigenous territory if the community doesn’t accept it. Not putting a garbage dump, or a hotel, not even crossing through your territory without permission from the authorities – which is certainly what the compañera Ofelia was complaining about, and about which we also complain.
That is what we are saying wherever we go. And in this case, we were thinking that we were only going to talk with the O’odham people, or with Indian peoples, but how good it is that you arrived from many places. And especially, the people who are struggling on the other side in the United States, also with Indian peoples, and also with this injustice, this war of annihilation there is against the undocumented.
A little while ago when we were coming here, we crossed the border, there in Sonoyta, we crossed over on the other side and later we returned because we had to come here. But the big extension of the desert was seen and I was thinking – I imagined what all the compañeros from the Karavana – what it was going to mean crossing that desert, without food. If the heat or the cold doesn’t kill you, the Minutemen kill you, or the ranchers, or the motorcyclists, or La Migra. And no one was going to take count, not even the university studies. If we, as Indian people, do not unite… We are proposing a continental gathering of all the original peoples of these lands, in October of the coming year, when 515 years of the “discovery” are completed. Now it was good! 500 years are enough to show that they couldn’t.
And if the governments of the United States or Mexico didn’t see us when we were few, we will see if the world doesn’t see us when all the Indian peoples of this continent – from Tierra del Fuego to Alaska – unite and begin to tell of all the injustices and struggles. And that gathering is going to be in Northwest Mexico, near the border – which does not exist for us – in other words near the Oodham, Navajo, Cherokee, Cucapá, Kiliwa, Yoreme, Yaqui land, where we have been all these days. In a few days, we are making agreements with each other and taking votes, perhaps next month this call that we are proposing will come out.
That is more or less what we want to tell you. I hope you can pass the message to the traditional chiefs: Ofelia, Brenda, Alicia – Don José is here – Michelle: I ask a favor that you pass it to the Navajo people, the compañera with the Cherokee people.
We only ask you that, we are going to talk directly among ourselves and make an agreement. The next time that we come my chiefs will come, I will not come, they sent me first to see how it was. I report to them and then they will come, those that command me, because that is our way.
That is what we want to say, compañeros and compañeras. Many thanks, Good Night.
In writing about the recent PPSBN Sustainability conference, I failed miserably to highlight the keynote speaker Nancy Tuor, who represented CH2M Hill as a model green corporate citizen. Ms Tuor, the “Group President and Executive Sponsor for Sustainability” at CH2M Hill, had headliner status at the conference because she is Program Manager on the MASDAR ‘Green’ City development in the United Arab Emirates, a smoke and mirrors project if ever there was, and it’s smoke from burning oil.
According to the program for this week’s conference in Colorado Springs:
CH2M HILL is the delivery partner for the first phase of the MASDAR development, a carbon-neutral and zero-waste sustainable city nestled in the heart of Abu Dhabi—the first major hydrocarbon producing nation.
First, a sustainable city built on income generated by fossil fuel is an oxymoron. Second, UAE’s efforts appear to be centered on securing the technological rights to new sources and practices before their monopoly on oil expires.
MASDAR is a comprehensive Abu Dhabi government program to address the issues of sustainable energy sources and environmental practices. The program is focused on developing and commercializing advanced and innovative technologies in renewable, alternative, and sustainable energies.
In other words, their definition of sustainable is much like the military’s, they want to sustain their profits.
Minneapolis Confidential‘s Ken Avidor contacted NMT about another outlandish aspect of CH2M’s green charade in Masdar. It relates to an announcement which Nancy Tuor made at the conference:
MIST delays impact PRT schedule. At a sustainability conference in Colorado Springs on November 3, 2009, Nancy Tuor, CH2M Hill’s program manager for the MASDAR ‘Green City’ in the United Arab Emirates, announced that the personal rapid transit (PRT) system will open to public use in about six months.
It seems a central showpiece of the Masdar development is a Personal Rapid Transit system which always fails to materialize. As Avidor writes:
You may have seen blog posts and news stories about a “sustainable” city in the United Arab Emirates called Masdar. One of the supposed “green” features of the Masdar project is a “Personal Rapid Transit” (PRT) system. It turns out the PRT system is a joke… but what do expect from a country where a prominent royal family member tortures people and has it all documented on video.
One of Avidor’s astute readers makes the point that the US tortures people, and documents it on video as well. So much for that dig at UAE, but Avidor’s central criticism stands. PRT projects worldwide are being lauded with out merit, but of critical relevance, PRTs are being used as stalking horses to thwart the finite budgets which metropolitan regions have for mass transit.
Interestingly, Avidor’s blog posts are being dogged by two detractors who can’t sing praises enough for PRTs. Maybe they’re new technology freaks who want to see Jetsons fantasies in their lifetimes. Maybe they believe the argument against mass transit, that contemporary man doesn’t want a community experience when he commutes. If they aren’t PRT industry shills, they should at least concede that no number of personal pods will accommodate the masses. They’re luxury hogs who don’t want to share the ride.
As cars sank the trolleys, so could PRT smoke and mirrors sink trains and subways. But the rich man has no need for mass transit. Why not get the taxpayers to fund something that will be available to only he: personal transit. Where there’s no room for the masses. It’s the same strategy the rich use to fund their charter schools at the expense of public schools.
Where the rich are fleecing the needy, you can always count on Colorado Springs to sign on.
According to Censored News, Activist and scholar Ward Churchill will speak at the Unitarian Universalist Church of Tucson, 4831 W. 22nd St., on November 13, 2009 at 7:00 p.m. to benefit O’odham VOICE Against the Wall, which since 2003 has organized and advocated for the traditional O’odham leaders and elders of the Tohono O’odham communities in the southern territory of the United States and northern territory of Mexico. Professor Churchill’s talk is part of the “Apartheid in America: Surviving Occupation in O’odham Lands”
O’odham activist Ofelia Rivas will also participate. The event is sponsored by the Dry River Radical Resource Center, the Earth First! Journal, and Voices against the Wall.
Here’s some background on the O’odham struggle:
By J. D. Hendricks, 2004
TIAMAT PUBLICATIONS #5The People Who Emerged From the Earth
Over two thousand years ago the descendents of the O’odham moved into the southwestern region of the area now claimed by the U.S. as the state of Arizona. 1 The O’odham have had one of the longest histories of contact with the forces of European colonization compared with the rest of the native North American peoples. The O’odham’s first contact with Spanish invaders took place in the mid 16th century; nearly one hundred years before the colonization of the North Atlantic coast and Great Lakes regions were begun by the French and English colonists. As such, the history of the O’odham provides a good context for an investigation of the colonization of Native North America, and more specifically, an investigation of the interplay between, and results of, the varied responses to colonization – that of collaboration, accommodation, and resistance.
Many histories of the O’odham refer to these desert people as the Papago. The term Papago was a name given to the O’odham by the Spanish colonizers, and is likely the result of a Spanish corruption of the O’odham word “papabi” which was the O’odham name for one of their principal bean varieties. Thus, the Spanish colonizers term for the O’odham (Papago) came to mean “the bean eaters.” 2 For the purposes of this study I will refrain from the use of the term Papago and will refer to “the people” 3 by their traditional pre-colonial name. 4
As is often the case, with the name Papago being a good example, European constructs are often imposed upon indigenous peoples by the historians that seek to portray their past. This result can occur when historians seek to glorify European norms and traditions at the expense of indigenous ones, and can also be the result of the subconscious indoctrination of the historian by the dominant culture – in this case that of western style industrial civilization. In other cases it can be the result of a simple uncritical usage of language.
One of the most dominant and reoccurring “civilized” constructs imposed upon indigenous peoples history is the commonly understood notion that the O’odham, or any other indigenous North American culture for that matter, existed as a totality or uniformed mass. This study will seek to use the history of the interaction between the O’odham peoples and the United States, both its government and its peoples, to deconstruct this myth of the totality and provide a history of the O’odham’s varied responses to colonization from an anti-colonial and anti-industrial perspective. By investigating various important case studies in O’odham history, and looking not only at resistance but also accommodation and collaboration, it is hoped that this work will help to provide a more realistic historical picture of the effects of colonization, and the intentions and reactions of both the colonizer and the colonized. Within the previously stated context and theoretical framework, this study will argue that while the O’odham responded to the U.S. invasion of their lands in various ways, the choices to resist, accommodate, or collaborate with the forces of colonization did not affect the overall U.S. policy concerning the O’odham – that policy being the eventual total assimilation of the O’odham into the dominant “civilized” industrial system. 5
This investigation will include a strong focus on O’odham resistance to colonization, as any anti-colonial history should, however it will not discount or ignore the many historical occurrences of accommodation, and in some cases outright collaboration, with the colonizers. It is important to always keep in mind that none of the actions and reactions in any of the case studies looked at are attributable to the O’odham as a “totality,” but rather are attributable only to the various groupings of O’odham, be they incarnated in the form of the individual, the clan, the village, an economic or spiritual grouping, or an established political organization.
A God of Civilization and Coercion Comes to the O’odham
The O’odham’s first encounter with Spanish invaders took place in the mid sixteenth century when a group of conquistadors led by Alvaro Nunez Cabeza de Vaca entered O’odham territory in search of gold. These men did not find the riches they were looking for and left the desert region to return to the Spanish colony. However, soon after word spread of the O’odham villages on the northern periphery of the Spanish colony, missionaries began to travel north to bring God and “civilization” to the native people residing there. By 1686, Catholic missionaries had formed a few small missions in O’odham territory using what they believed to be the influence of their soft power 6 techniques to lure the O’odham into their missions where they were then subjected to a rigorous schedule of cultural indoctrination. Most O’odham historians, including Winston Erickson, 7 and to a lesser extent, Bernard Fontana 8 have, during this time period, focused on the O’odham who chose to reside nearby and within these early missions, thus painting a picture of the O’odham as accepting of Spanish influence and cultural indoctrination.
However a closer look at this time period reveals that mission O’odham were only a small percentage of the total population of O’odham residing in the Sonoran desert 9 and that the ones who were there may not have been so for the reasons that the colonizers believed. San Xavier del Bac, the largest mission in O’odham lands, as well as many other missions, took advantage of the fact that the desert O’odham migrated in the dry winter months to the Northern Piman settlements along the rivers to work the small farm plots for sustenance. 10 The Catholic missions inserted themselves into this traditional pattern. Those O’odham who worked and lived near the missions were, for the most part, seasonal residents, which shows that the missions were viewed merely as being of utilitarian value. Thus, the O’odham as a totality were not necessarily accommodating to or interested in anything the missionaries had to offer per se, and when the missionaries began to employ “hard power” techniques and abuse or overstep the grounds for their welcome it did not go without consequence. 11
Accommodating and ignoring the missionaries was not the only response to colonization practiced by the O’odham during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Although historians such as Erickson feel that “the missions did serve the O’odham well….,” 12 that assertion is contradicted by the fact that there were many large scale rebellions waged against the missions from outside and from within. In 1695, 1751, 1756, and 1776, large scale rebellions occurred in which missionaries were killed and their missions burned to the ground. 13 In some cases these rebellions were the doing of joint O’odham/Apache alliances, which is significant considering that many histories of the O’odham and Apache portray them as immemorial enemies. This may be the result of the fact that by the early nineteenth century the Spanish government initiated a campaign of divide and conquer that was continued later by the Mexican and U.S. governments to turn the O’odham and Apache against one another, thus easing the project of their subjugation.
A Change in the Occupation Government: Washington Enters O’odham Lands
In 1821, Mexican Independence from Spain was achieved and interest in the O’odham dropped away nearly entirely. By 1828, the new and secular Mexican government began the process of shutting down the missions in O’odham territory and by 1842, the last of the missions were closed. Soon after, in 1846, the United Stated initiated a war for territorial expansion against Mexico. This war was not of immediate consequence to the O’odham peoples. Isolated in desert regions, the fighting between the two occupation powers affected them little in the short run. However, the signing of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848, which ended the war, would lay the foundations for a series of disastrous events which would affect the O’odham in very negative ways.
Of greatest consequence to the O’odham was the fact that the boundary between the United States and Mexico was not finalized by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. The boundary was designated by Article Five of the Treaty as being an arbitrary line roughly following the 32nd parallel, an area which runs through the southern part of modern Arizona. To the east, the border was provided by the Rio Grande. The exact boundary line along the 32nd parallel was to be decided at a later date. It is also important to note here that the Treaty also provided that all Mexican citizens absorbed by the United States were to be granted U.S. citizenship, which included all indigenous peoples in the annexed territory since under Mexican law they were considered citizens. In the treaty the United States also assumed the responsibility for preventing cross border raiding into Mexico by the southwestern tribes, specifically the Apache. 14
In the aftermath of the signing of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, it became quickly apparent that an acceptable border between Mexico and the United States along the 32nd parallel would not be achieved. An official survey expedition was assembled by the United States and Mexico in 1849 to trace out the boundary between the two countries with little success. Various borderlines were agreed to and then abandoned and re-made by the United States, sometimes in a unilateral decision that dismissed the positions of the Mexican government altogether. 15
The principal concern for the United States was to secure title to an area of land in northern Sonora, Mexico that was ideally suited for the construction of a portion of the southern continental railroad whose building was being discussed in the U.S. Congress at the time. One of the main advocates for this southern railroad route was a South Carolina man by the name of Colonel James Gadsden. Gadsden’s history of connections to powerful business, military, and political leaders is very interesting and his appointment by the United States to be Minister to Mexico in 1853 serves as a very informative source to gauge the United States’ intentions towards Native Americans and the O’odham in particular.
James Gadsden was born into an influential southern family and graduated from Yale University. After enlisting and serving in the war of 1812, Gadsden was sent to the Florida territory with Andrew Jackson to aid in the campaign of removal and extermination being waged against the Seminole Indians, which took place from 1816-1818. After this war against the Seminole, Gadsden was appointed by President Monroe as commissioner to oversee the removal of the Seminole Indians to Indian Territory. Like the more famous removal of the Cherokee, the removal of the Seminole, and the high death rate suffered as a result, unarguably constituted genocide. 16 As a reward for a job well done, Gadsden was appointed by Monroe to a seat on the legislative council of the territory of Florida, thus beginning Gadsden’s political career. In 1840, Gadsden was elected President of the Louisville, Charleston, and Cincinnati Railroad. In 1853, the Secretary of War, an ardent white supremacist and slavery defender by the name of Jefferson Davis, appointed Gadsden to be Minister to Mexico. 17 As Minister to Mexico, one of Gadsden’s primary missions was to negotiate a final demarcation of the boundary between the U.S. and Mexico. Although Gadsden was a zealous believer in Manifest Destiny, his ideas concerning racial Anglo-Saxonism 18 caused him to be an opponent of the total annexation of Mexico. Gadsden, like many racist U.S. politicians of that time, felt that the total absorption of Mexico and its non-Anglo population into the United States would pollute the Anglo bloodline too much and thus he sought only to gain enough territory for the United States to build the southern pacific route. 19 Thus, a man who had presided over a war of genocide against the Seminole Indians, was a devout racist, and who had obvious conflicts of interest due to his connections to the railroads, was put into a position to determine the territorial boundary between the United States and Mexico and in the process also determine the boundaries of the O’odham’s land. With its appointment of Gadsden, the intent of the U.S. government could not be clearer. Business interests and territorial expansion were to run roughshod, by any means necessary, over any native peoples who stood in the way.
It is no surprise that when James Gadsden finally successfully negotiated a treaty with Santa Anna to secure what is now the southern portion of Arizona, the O’odham were not consulted. In fact, the Gadsden Treaty, signed into law in 1853, did not contain any mention of the O’odham at all. Considering that the new boundary line put in place by the Gadsden Treaty literally split the traditional O’odham lands in two, it is obvious that the intentions of the United States were in no way benevolent. Here it is also important to point out that the terms of the Gadsden Treaty specifically included the same citizenship provisions which were spelled out in the earlier Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. 20 Although the Gadsden treaty was of great significance for the O’odham, their isolation and the outbreak of the Civil War enabled them to live another decade in relative isolation from Anglo encroachment.
Assimilation, Cultural Destruction, Double Speak and Ordained Genocide
The causes which the Almighty originates, when in their appointed time he wills that one race of men – as in races of lower animals – shall disappear off the face of the earth and give place to another race, and so on, in the great cycle traced out by Himself, which may be seen, but has reasons too deep to be fathomed by us. The races of the mammoths and mastodons, and the great sloths, came and passed away: The red man of America is passing away!
–United States Congress Committee on Indian Affairs report, 1865. 21No doubt with similar justifications in mind as those of the Committee on Indian Affairs, Anglo settlers began their invasion of O’odham lands less than a year after the conclusion of the Civil War. The Homestead Act had opened up the lands of Southern Arizona to Anglo squatters and in 1866, one of the first of many bills was passed by Congress granting mineral rights to any citizen who claimed them. 22 Every one of these homesteads opened and every resource extraction operation initiated without the express consent of the O’odham represented an illegal action under the Gadsden Treaty. The citizenship provisions of the Gadsden Treaty had granted citizenship to all former Mexican citizens and the O’odham were, by legal definition, included in this formulation. The United States, however, refused to consider “uncivilized” peoples as being worthy of the protections granted to citizens by the fourth amendment of the U.S. Constitution, which prohibits the expropriation of property. This refusal of the United States government to follow its own laws pertaining to Native Americans when those laws happen to stand in the way of U.S. interests has been a common occurrence in United States Indian policy. This land grab was only the first of many illegalities committed against the O’odham people by the United States and its citizens. In this respect the O’odham are in a special position when compared with many other tribes. While the theft of native lands by the United States Government was usually legally justified by treaty stipulations signed between a tribe and the U.S. government, this justification could not and cannot be used in the case of the O’odham since no treaty was ever signed with the O’odham by the United States Government. 23
For the most part, the O’odham did not resist this initial incursion of Anglo settlement, rather the O’odham practiced accommodation and moved farther out into the desert to shield themselves from the new settlers invading their lands. Traditional ways were maintained with the exception of the introduction of cattle ranching. The O’odham territory was well suited for the raising of cattle and a good number of O’odham became cattle ranchers, both for purposes of subsistence as well as for sale to Anglos residing in and around Tucson. In the 1880s, as increasing numbers of Anglo cattle ranchers began to invade and take over their pasture, some O’odham began to resist.
The O’odham resisted by stealing the Anglo cattle herds which were rounded up and driven south to be sold on the Mexican market. The expropriation of Anglo cattle herds was not isolated, and it became a major concern for the settlers and the government. In at least one case, a large cattle outfit was driven out of business. 24 The concern over this outbreak of O’odham theft of Anglo cattle was large enough that newspapers as far away as Los Angeles ran stories about the phenomenon. For the most part these stories seem to have been deliberately used to justify the enclosure of the O’odham into reservations as the government and Anglo cattle ranchers seized the opportunity to gain even more O’odham land by arguing that it was an unfair burden for the Anglo cattle ranchers to have to “support” the O’odham. 25 Here, in previous case study, we have another common attribute of U.S. Indian policy in general, and one which occurs again and again in the history of O’odham contact with the U.S. government and Anglo settlers – blaming the victim.
Another official position of United States Indian policy during this time period was that everything done to the Indians was, in the words of Indian Commissioner J. Q. Smith, in their own “best interests.” 26 Whether this obvious sham was based on a subconscious guilt and delusion or was a cynical example of “double-speak,” it is obvious that Native American’s best interest’s were the last thing on the government’s mind. Nevertheless, with this reasoning as justification, the first official reservation for the O’odham was created by executive order of President Grant on July 1, 1874. This small reservation surrounded the Old Catholic mission at San Xavier del Bac. It is estimated that only about ten percent 27 of the desert O’odham took up residence within this reservation – these were labeled as “civilized” O’odham by U.S. census takers. The vast majority of O’odham were labeled as “wild” and continued to live in the vast desert regions west of San Xavier del Bac. While it is obvious that the desert O’odham were resisting cultural assimilation by avoidance, even the mission O’odham maintained a resistance to European culture as the next example will illustrate.
While visiting the old mission at San Xavier a newspaper columnist from the Los Angeles Times wrote that upon her visit in 1882, she could see “not a single civilized human habitation within miles.” This writer goes on to state that the O’odham’s dwellings were in the form of “conical mud huts.” In the casual racism and Social Darwinist rhetoric of the period she also adds that,
“The Papagos are but little in advance of gophers and prairie dogs in their habitations.” 28
The point is that after more than 200 years of European influence, even the mission O’odham continued to build their traditional shelters. 29
Progressivism and Cultural Genocide: The Dawes Act
In 1887, the General Allotment Act, also known as the Dawes Act, was signed into law. The Dawes Act was the staging point for the forced assimilation of those remnants of Native American groupings which had not been totally decimated by the preceding period of “Indian Wars” and forced relocations. The essential function of the Dawes Act was to disrupt traditional tribal land holding patterns and thus force Native Americans into the Anglo system of private property. The O’odham, like most other Native American cultures, did not have a concept of private property – land was held in common for the benefit of the village group. Communally held land was an essential pre-requisite for their Anarchistic political system and extremely de-centralized tribal structure. 30
The first section of the Dawes Act provides for equal “sections” of land to be parceled out to each “head of family.” This head of family was always understood to be the father of each family when land was allotted. Thus, this first section of the act not only attempted to destroy the communal land system of Native Americans, it also instituted Patriarchy as the basis for social functioning in Native America. 31 In addition, Section Five of the Act also provides that any un-allotted lands be subject to purchase by the United States government. Section Six and Seven provide that all monies paid by the U.S. for un-allotted Native lands be held for each tribe by the U.S. Treasury and “subject to appropriation” by the U.S. government to repay itself for the implementation of allotment as well as to provide for the “civilization” of Native Americans. 32 In less veiled words, these sections are basically stating that Native Americans will be forced to pay for their own cultural annihilation.
This interpretation of the intent of the Dawes Act becomes clearer when one looks at the arguments and debates that took place in Congress and within self described progressive “Indian rights” groups such as the Indian Rights Association. Critics of the Dawes Act in Congress such as Rep. Russell Errett understood that
“the main purpose of this bill is not to help the Indian troubles so much as it is to provide a method for getting at the valuable Indian lands and opening them up for settlement.” 33
And Senator Dawes, the namesake of the final bill, speaking of the land and resources of Native Americans stated that
“civilization has got after these possessions with a greed never before equaled but it is idle to expect to stay it….” 34
As for the progressive Indian Rights Association, they argued that
“the organization of the Indians into tribes is, and has been, one of the most serious hindrances to the advancement of civilization, and that every effort should be made to secure disintegration of all tribal organizations….” 35
And one of their leaders, Reverend L. Abbott, provided justification with the statement:
“Barbarism has no rights which civilization is bound to respect.” 36
So here we have a self-proclaimed progressive Indian Rights organization arguing for cultural genocide and against the notion that Native Americans have any rights that civilized people are bound to respect! This conclusion provides a perfect example of the essence of “progressive” or “civilized” thought.
The Dawes Act had a much less devastating effect for the O’odham than it did for many other Native American tribes. At the time of its passage, the only official reservation for the O’odham was the San Xavier reservation which, as was stated earlier, was only a small 71,090 acre reservation around the old mission San Xavier del Bac. When the allotment agent came to San Xavier in 1890, he allotted out 41,600 acres of land to the 363 O’odham whom he counted in his census as being resident at the time. 37 The vast majority of the O’odham still continued to live west of San Xavier in the expansive desert regions and were little affected by the allotment schemes. Even those O’odham who lived in San Xavier and were allotted land paid little attention to the artificial boundaries drawn on paper which supposedly privatized their land – they continued to farm and graze the land communally. 38 This refusal to abide by the provisions of the Dawes Act is also a form of resistance to cultural assimilation and adds one more example to show that for those O’odham who resisted, the most often employed method of resistance was non-compliance and avoidance. This specific response to colonization was made possible by the isolation and expansiveness of their desert home, which many Anglo’s continued to view as a “hopeless desert.” 39
The Domestication of the “Wild Papago”
The vast majority of the O’odham continued to resist assimilation and maintained a fairly traditional lifestyle – minus the introduction of cattle herding and horse rearing. In the twenty years following the passage of the Dawes Act, a growing effort was made to enclose the “Wild Papago” 40 and forcibly strip them of their traditional culture and instill them with the “civilized” values of the industrial Anglo. As was mentioned previously in the paper, ranchers and the government used O’odham cattle theft from Anglo ranchers as one tool to justify the enclosure of the O’odham within a reservation. During this period, Anglo Cattle ranchers continued to encroach deeper and deeper into O’odham territory and scuffles began to break out.
In another classic example of the “blame the victim” tactic, a pro-enclosure story was printed in the Los Angeles Times, no doubt to build public pressure for the domestication of the “Wild Papago.” The story concerns a group of O’odham who had resisted an Anglo cattleman’s attempts to enclose one of their water sources. When these O’odham continually tore down the fence that this cattleman had built, the rancher filed a report with the local Indian Agency sheriff to have the men arrested. When the sheriff arrived to arrest the O’odham responsible for defending their water source, he was taken hostage. The sheriff was later released unharmed; however, the incident was used to make the argument that such troubles can only be expected to increase if the O’odham were not enclosed on a reservation where they could be more easily controlled and monitored. 41
The tactic of occupying and diverting natural water sources was one of the tools used by the Anglo settlers and government to destroy the self sufficiency of the O’odham and force them into reservations where they would be dependent on the government for their water and would thus be easier to control and monitor. Some of the O’odham clearly understood what was happening, which is evidenced by instances of resistance both to the enclosure of natural water sources as well as resistance to the drilling of wells. One example of the U.S. government using water as a tool of forced cultural assimilation can be found by looking at an event recorded by an O’odham calendar stick 42 keeper. In 1912, the O’odham residing in the village of Santa Rosa, an isolated and traditional village in the western desert region of O’odham territory, were paid a visit by an Anglo Indian Commissioner who wished to drill a well for them. The Chief of the village objected to the drilling of the well on the grounds that it would disturb their culture, their autonomy and their self-sufficiency. The government agent proceeded to have the well drilled anyway. Upon completion of the well, the Chief of the village, according to the calendar stick keeper, stated that
“the well must be left alone and, in order that the Papagos might continue their old life, water must still be carried from the spring in the foothills.” 43
However, the prohibition by the Chief could not be upheld due to the overwhelming convenience of the new well and after a period of abstaining from its usage, the village of Santa Rosa (including the Chief) gave in and thus was assimilated into the industrial system by being made dependent on the Government well. 44 During this same time period, encroaching Anglo farmers engaged in the diversion of O’odham water sources to irrigate their farms. This practice served as another method of forcing the self sufficient O’odham into a relationship of dependence upon the government. In many areas so much water was diverted that the O’odham could no longer grow their traditional summer crops. 45
In 1919, the first incarnation of an O’odham reservation to enclose the nearly two million acres of desert that the “Wild Papago” were residing in was established. The formation of the desert O’odham reservation in 1919 ushered in a period of exponentially increased government interference in O’odham matters, and of course, the various forms of coercive assimilation were multiplied. By 1933, thirty-two unwanted wells were drilled all over the new reservation. 46 The well drilling was often opposed by those who were trying to maintain the O’odham Him’dag – the traditional ways of the desert people.
Resistance and Collaboration: O’odham Responses to Forced Modernization
In contrast to the traditional O’odham who had maintained resistance to cultural assimilation for the past 300 years, there was also a small number of O’odham based in the new reservation that welcomed collaboration with the forces of Anglo modernization and advocated for cultural accommodation and in some instances for total cultural assimilation. These men would later form an organization called the Papago Good Government League, which would serve as the propaganda arm of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and government policy in general. The leadership of this new faction had been taken from their families as youths and placed in Protestant boarding schools to be culturally indoctrinated. The Tucson Presbyterian Training School was one of the indoctrination centers where many future members of the Good Government League had been sent. 47
Religious indoctrination, whether Catholic or Protestant, has always been one of the most powerful tools of colonization and its justification used by European invaders against the indigenous peoples of the Americas. The necessary counterpart to the forced indoctrination of Christian principals and morals has always been the repression of indigenous spiritual practices. The United States government understood the profound power that traditional spiritual practices had in maintaining group solidarity and cohesion and it is for this reason that such spiritual practices were made illegal and repressed historically. In 1883, a Court of Indian Offenses was established by congress at the request of Secretary of Interior Henry M. Teller to eliminate traditional spiritual practices. In a report to the commissioner of Indian Affairs, Teller laid out his goals and his rationale stating that,
“If it is the purpose of the Government to civilize the Indians, they must be compelled to desist from the savage and barbarous practices that are calculated to continue them in savagery….”
Teller went on to associate those who resisted the repression of their spirituality with the “non-progressive” faction of Indians and labeled traditional spiritualism as “debauchery,” “diabolism,” and “savagery.” The overarching argument of his letter is that in order to civilize the Indians and bring them into the industrial system, their traditional spiritualism must be destroyed. As an initial step towards this end, Teller advised that Medicine Men be “compelled” to desist from their practice of “deception.” 48
Although the Court of Indian Offenses advocated that coercion be used to repress and destroy indigenous spiritualism, it failed to succeed in this project even when it used force to try to stop traditional spiritual rituals. According to Historian Edward Spicer, the only thing the Court succeeded in doing was driving traditional spiritual practices underground. In the case of many resistant O’odham, traditional spiritual practices were continued without regard to regulations or prohibitions against them, and in many cases, federal authorities resorted to repression and arrest to try to stop these practices. One traditional spiritual practice of the O’odham which was particularly hated by the Protestant Missionaries and Indian Agents was the Vi-kita ceremony.
The Vi-kita ceremony of the O’odham has been written about and studied by many Anglo historians and anthropologists, the most prominent being Columbia Anthropologist Ruth Underhill. 49 Before going into a short description of the Vi-kita it is important to understand that this ceremony varied depending on who was conducting it and where it was being conducted. Peter Blaine, an influential O’odham man sympathetic to the traditional ways, wrote in his autobiography about Underhill’s methods. Blaine explained the traditional way for the O’odham to tell about their past was to do it
“in a group so that everybody had a chance to talk and tell it their way. Underhill was talking to just one man…Dr. Underhill was wrong all the way in how she got her information.” 50
As scholars from the dominant culture often do, Underhill had applied her own notions of hierarchy, authority and individualism to her work with the O’odham and totally disregarded their traditional methods of conveying information in a communal fashion.
The Vi-kita itself was a yearly rain and fertility festival preformed to initiate and give thanks for the yearly summer rains. The ceremony itself consisted of the communal singing of rain songs, dancing, intimate encounters, and the consumption of Navait (Saguaro wine), an alcoholic drink made by the fermentation of Saguaro Cactus buds. The consumption of this wine was meant to symbolize the connection between the sky and the earth. The intake of the Navait was representative of the earth’s intake of rain. Participants drank Navait until vomiting occurred as this act embodied the clouds issuing forth rain unto the earth. It was a powerful ceremony that bonded the O’odham with the elements of nature.
When Protestant missionaries, and a small number of Protestant O’odham in the Good Government League, backed by U.S. Indian Agents, began their attempts to usurp power on the newly formed western O’odham (Sells) 51 reservation in the early 20th century, one of the first things they attacked was the practice of the Vi-kita ceremony. In the early 1930s, Peter Blaine explained that the traditional O’odham from the San Xavier reservation would travel to the western reservation for the Vi-kita. He states that,
“In the late 1920s the government tried to stop this wine drinking ceremony on the Sells reservation. But no Papago or Agency police could ever stop it.”
In one instance Blaine tells the story of how he helped defend three traditional O’odham Vi-kita ceremony leaders when they were arrested by agents from the Indian Bureau and jailed in Tucson. During the trial, a group of Protestant O’odham men from the Good Government League 52 argued for the repression of the ceremony – one of these men, Richard Hendrix, would continue to plague the traditional O’odham in future encounters. To respond to the collaborationist Good Government League, the resistant traditional O’odham formed the League of Papago Chiefs to counter the attempts of the Protestant Good Government League to usurp control on the reservation. 53
The Indian Reorganization Act and O’odham land rights
On June 18th, 1934, President Roosevelt signed into law the Indian Reorganization Act which finally stopped the forced allotment process initiated by the Dawes Act in 1887. The Indian Reorganization Act was viewed by its proponents as being in the best interests of the Indians. One of the reasons for this view was the fact that the Dawes Act and its forced allotment provisions had resulted in the loss of 90,000,000 acres of tribal lands and it was hoped by some, including then Indian Commissioner John Collier, that the Indian Reorganization Act could be used to regain some of this lost land.
The public was also encouraged to view the Indian Reorganization Act as being beneficial for Native Americans. A large article in the Los Angles Times entitled “The Bill to Return Indian Rights” stated that:
“After a century of graft, plunder and injustice, this bill has the objective of handing their own souls back to the Indians.” 54
However, such optimism and notions of cultural relativism were not held by all. As a precursor to the Indian Reorganization Act, a report was prepared for the Secretary of the Interior in 1928 to lay out the need for a change in Federal Indian Policy. The report stated that the “great majority of Indians are ultimately to merge into the general population” and that it was the government’s responsibility to assimilate Native Americans into “white civilization” because “the hands of the clock cannot be turned backwards.” Sympathetic attempts to help Native Americans retain their culture were stigmatized as attempts to “preserve them as museum specimens.” 55 Indian Commissioner John Collier was one of those who believed that Native Americans should retain their culture and that “the awakening of the racial spirit must be sustained….” 56 However, although the finalized Indian Reorganization Act did contain elements that were meant to “help” Native Americans, many of its articles were still designed to impose “civilized” systems on Native Americans.
It can be argued that the intent of the finalized Indian Reorganization Act was to initiate a new chapter in the push for the total cultural assimilation of the Native American tribes. The argument that there was no qualitative change between the Dawes Act and the Reorganization Act is legitimate. The Indian Reorganization Act provides the examples for the argument. The main tool of assimilation in the Indian Reorganization Act was the provision in Section 17 which allowed for Native American tribes to form their own tribal governments, constitutions and laws which, although it is not specifically stated, were intended to be Anglo in structure and functioning. In the case that these native governments were not sufficiently acceptable to the U.S. government, section 17 also provided that all Tribal Government formations must be “approved by the Secretary of the Interior.” 57 This clearly shows that the intent of the Act was not to allow Native Americans to become fully autonomous, either culturally or politically. For a tribe such as the O’odham, which had a long history of decentralization and consensus decision making, the imposition of western style liberal democracy, with its attendant centralization and majority rule system, was an obvious method of forced cultural indoctrination. Peter Blaine, who was mentioned earlier, was an O’odham man who had sympathy for the traditional, decentralized and communal way of O’odham societal organization. When the collaborationist Papago Good Government League began to maneuver themselves into the position of representing all of the O’odham, Blaine took it upon himself to lead the charge to discredit their assertions to business interests and the Federal Government that they represented the O’odham. Blaine wrote that:
“This so-called council represented only their own church people, but they took it upon themselves to become a council for all Papagos. They had meetings. Nobody attended them but these four guys because most people didn’t recognize them as leaders.” 58
In 1934 Blaine, along with another O’odham from the Gila Bend reservation named Leon Pancho became the first O’odham to travel to Washington D.C. These two men were sent as representatives of the traditional chiefs of the O’odham villages to argue against a recent court order that closed the Sells reservation to outside, Anglo owned, mining. The court order was a result of a lawsuit brought by the members of the Good Government League, including Richard Hendrix, who had teamed up with outside lawyers. These lawyers were to receive as payment a ten percent share of all land reclaimed from the mining companies, or a monetary equivalent. As this entire procedure was done behind the backs of the majority of the O’odham, when it was revealed, there was great resentment towards the Good Government League by many of the O’odham.
While in Washington D.C., Blaine was informed of the pending Indian Reorganization Act, and he became a supporter of the Act due to its provision allowing for the self government of Native Americans, as well as a provision in section Six that allowed the Secretary of Interior to manage mineral, mining, and livestock on the reservation. 59 In the case of the O’odham this meant that the reservation would be re-opened to mining and they would regain an important means of economic sustenance. According to Blaine, the mines were an important economic resource for the O’odham as they provided jobs and a market where beef and other O’odham products could be sold. 60 This is yet another unfortunate example of how the incursion of Anglo industrial technology served to destroy the self-sufficiency of the O’odham by making them dependent on it for survival.
Whether or not the mines were truly in the best interest of the O’odham is a complex topic which cannot be dealt with here. However it should be stated that Blaine and his companions’ trip to Washington D.C. was financed by the Tucson Chamber of Commerce, an organization that functioned in support of the mining interests, not the O’odham. This Tucson Chamber of Commerce was the same organization that had aggressively petitioned President Wilson to rescind his 1916 act forming the Sells reservation because it prevented Anglo agricultural interests from exploiting the area’s “best agricultural and grazing lands.” 61
Resistance to and Collaboration with the “White Man’s War”
Not long after the passage of the Indian Reorganization Act and the formation of the first O’odham Tribal Government, the United States declared war on Japan, thus entering World War II. The participation of Native Americans in World War II has been well publicized, especially the role the Dineh (Navajo) played as code talkers in the South Pacific. The United States government and the mainstream media portrayed Native Americans as being eager to fight for their homeland, and eager to assimilate into “white civilization” once they returned from the war. Nearly 25,000 62 Native Americans served in the United States military during World War II, many of whom were no doubt under the impression that their service would be rewarded with increased “rights” after the war’s end. Instead, as a “reward” for Native Americans participation in World War II the United States government established the Indian Claims commission in 1946 to legalize the U.S. occupation of Native American Lands never granted to the U.S. by treaty, passed House Concurrent Resolution 108 to terminate tribal recognition as separate entities from the Federal Government, and then instituted a plan in 1954 to relocate Native Americans off the reservation and into “Indian Ghettos” in the nation’s large cities. 63 These were the “rewards” for participation in World War II.
Like many other Native American Tribes, some of the O’odham Nations members participated in World War II. Ruth Underhill claims that the O’odham enlisted to serve in World War II “in droves” 64 and it is documented that the O’odham tribal government bought $10,000 in war bonds. 65 However, the extent of this involvement was distorted by the media, academia, and even some of the O’odham leaders in the tribal government. Richard Hendrix, a former member of the collaborationist Good Government League, had risen to prominence in the new O’odham tribal government by this time and was interviewed by the Arizona Archaeological and Historical Society on November 16, 1942. In this interview Hendrix exposed the extent to which he had allowed his mind to be colonized and assimilated into that of the dominant white culture. Speaking of colonization in general and World War II in particular, Hendrix stated that the O’odham had:
Learned to love the American government and they learned to love the Stars and Stripes. And when the war came and the time came for our boys to be registered, there was no exception. They registered just the same as white boys did. And now they are out fighting alongside the white boys, the American boys. They are just as anxious as the white boys to kill as many Japs, to kill as many Germans, and they are very anxious to win this great war so that the Papago people in this desert land may continue to enjoy the freedom of their homes. 66
Hendrix’s internalization of white supremacist racial notions is a heart breaking and shocking example of the extent to which he had accepted the ideology of “white civilization.” In addition, his assertion that every O’odham boy registered for the war with “no exception” is glaringly false.
Aside from the fact that there are always exceptions to everything, there was also a large scale organized resistance to World War II led by an old Chief and medicine man, Pia Machita, and his band of traditional O’odham who resided in an isolated village in the north western area of the Sells Reservation known as the Hickwan district. According to Peter Blaine, the O’odham residing in some of the most isolated villages in the Hickwan district had not seen a white man until the 1930s, and continued to practice the traditional O’odham Him’dag. 67 When Pia Machita was informed of the compulsory registration of young O’odham boys for induction into World War II, he instructed the youth of his village to refuse to sign the registration forms when they were visited by the local Indian Agent. Pia Machita was a very traditional leader who refused cultural assimilation and would not accept the authority of the Bureau of Indian Affairs or the O’odham tribal government. Finally, after all efforts to persuade Pia Machita’s village to register had failed, the tribal chief of police and a gang of Federal Marshals led by U.S. Marshall Ben McKinney invaded the village at two in the morning on October 16th, 1941, with tear gas bombs and guns drawn – when the Marshals attempted to take Pia Machita into custody some of the young men from the village used force to liberate him and severely beat one of the federal marshals. In the face of this resistance, the government agents and their local collaborators retreated to Tucson. When the Attorney General’s Office heard of the resistance on the O’odham reservation, they immediately got involved in the effort to repress this draft resistance movement as quickly as possible to prevent its possible spread to other reservations. By May 17th, 1941, after a period of about six months of trying to track down Pia Machita and his small band of men, Marshall McKinney and O’odham collaborators including Jose Ignacio from the tribal government, surrounded Pia Machita in the village of Stoa Pitk and took him into custody without incident. 68
Peter Blaine was the O’odham tribal chairman during the time that Pia Machita was leading the draft resistance movement. Although he did not believe that Pia Machita and his men were threats in any way, he was annoyed by what he perceived to be their stubbornness and attributed their draft resistance to his belief that they “didn’t really understand what they were doing.” 69 In reality, it was Blaine who did not understand the reasons behind Pia Machita and his men’s resistance to enlistment. Pia Machita and his men understood very well what they were doing – they were resisting giving aid to a government that they understood was their enemy. Given this understanding, and given the dictionary definition of the word “collaboration,” it becomes necessary to label those O’odham who participated in the arrest of Pia Machita as such – collaborators. The understanding that the U.S. government was the enemy of the traditional O’odham of the Hickwan district was based upon a long history of attempts by the U.S. government to force the Traditional O’odham of that area to abandon the Him’dag and embrace elements of Anglo “progress” such as dams, railroads, wells, and the protestant religion. Despite Peter Blaine’s inability to understand why the O’odham in the Hickwan district rejected Anglo-civilization in its totality, he still maintained sympathy for the people there. When Pia Machita and two co-defendants were finally sentenced to serve 18 months in prison at Terminal Island Federal Prison for their roles in leading the resistance movement, Peter Blaine eventually came to their aid and used his connections as tribal chairman to persuade the sentencing Judge to release Pia Machita early and allow him to return to the reservation and his family. 70
Conclusion
The history of the O’odham’s contact with the United States government has been one marked by a persistent current of resistance to cultural assimilation into “white civilization.” This resistance has included a variety of tactics and actions. The favored tactic of resistance to assimilation for many of the O’odham groupings seems to have been that of avoidance and feigned accommodation to Anglo culture when expedient. However, as was evidenced by the O’odham’s early history of contact with the Spanish, they did not refrain from waging armed resistance to colonization when they were pushed into a situation where other tactics might have been ineffectual.
In addition to resistance and accommodation, it has also been shown that some of the O’odham choose to engage in direct collaboration with the Anglo colonization of their lands and minds. As this paper has shown, the levels of collaborative activity amongst the O’odham varied, and so did the effects of such collaboration. When investigating instances of collaboration it is always important to understand the context which produced them and to remember that the ultimate blame for a situation of oppression should always be placed upon the group committing the acts of repression – in this case the United States government and allied business interests. It is important to show such examples of collaboration and to understand that all human cultures who have been the victim of colonization have invariably contained individuals who chose to collaborate for a variety of reasons. The O’odham are no exception to this rule. Making apologies for collaboration or failing to mention the instances where such collaboration did occur creates a historical distortion and does nothing to aid present struggles for liberation.
The O’odham responses to colonization never represented a totality, but a strong current of resistance is evident throughout their history. In regards to the United States government, it can be said, given the primary sources looked at, and the final drafts of laws signed and policies followed, that the intent of the United States government toward all Native American tribes, when it was not outright genocidal, has been the cultural destruction and absorption of remaining Native Americans into the dominant industrial culture of “white civilization.” Regardless of the varying tactics used, and the various lip service about “best interests” and “justice,” it has been shown that there has never been a qualitative change in United States policy toward the O’odham people and Native Americans in general. The O’odham have maintained aspects of their traditional culture despite the best efforts of the government to force assimilation, not as a result of such efforts. A continuing current of struggle between the forces of colonization and resistance has persisted for centuries, in all its various forms, within the minds and bodies of many O’odham and will continue until liberation.
NOTES:
1
This date is based on archeological evidence gathered by E.W. Haury in Ventana Cave. Haury, E.W. The Stratigraphy and Archeology of Ventana Cave Arizona. Tuscon: University of Arizona Press, 1950. Cited from Williams, Thomas R. “The Structure of the Socialization Process in Papago Indian Society.” Social Forces, Vol.36, No.3. p.253.2
Fontana, Bernard L. Of Earth and Little Rain: The Papago Indians. Tuscon: University of Arizona Press, 1989. pp.37-39.3
The name “O’odham” is roughly translated as “the people” in the Piman dialect spoken by the various O’odham groupings.4
In 1986 the tribal government of the Papago reservation officially changed its name to the Tohono O’odham Nation.5
The term “civilized” is a problematic historical term, and its definition tends to be very subjective. The meaning of the term and its use as a label is heavily influenced by how the author and the reader understand its meaning. For the purposes of this paper, the term “civilized” refers to the totality of the “western” cultural, political, and economic system – and most importantly the belief that technological/industrial progress is inherently beneficial and liberatory. For most, being labeled “civilized” is viewed as a positive and the label of “un-civilized” or “savage” is viewed in the reverse. However, for the purposes of this study it is imperative to understand that this author views “civilization” itself as an inherently oppressive and destructive entity, and this must be kept in mind to correctly understand the arguments and analyses in the paper.6
The term “soft power” refers to the concept of gaining influence and control over another group by means of the attraction of the dominating group’s cultural attributes and the use of commodification rather than using military might and coercion (“hard power”) to gain that influence. See Joseph S. Nye, Jr. Soft Power: The means to success in world politics. New York: Perseus Books, 2004.7
Erickson, Winston T. Sharing the Desert: The Tohono O’odham in History. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2003.8
Fontana, Bernard L. Of Earth and Little Rain: The Papago Indians. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1989.9
According to Catholic missionary records, the numbers of mission O’odham during this time period were somewhere around 2,000. However, according to population estimates there were at least 10,000 O’odham peoples living in this area. See Fontana, Bernard L. Of Earth and Little Rain . pp.11,46.10
Fontana, Bernard L., p.40.11
It is well documented that many of the Missions resorted to physical abuse, forced confinement and occasional murder to coerce the O’odham into compliance. San Xavier del Bac, the largest and most famous of Catholic missions in O’odham lands was built with forced labor. See Daniel McCool; “Federal Indian Policy and the Sacred Mountains of the Papago Indians.” Journal of Ethnic Studies 9.3 (1981).p59.12
Erickson, Winston P., p.66.13
Fontana, Bernard L., pp.61-64.14
Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, Feb 2nd, 1848. United States Statutes At Large, pp. 922-94315
For a detailed treatment of this series of events see; Garber, Paul N. The Gadsden Treaty. Glouchester: Peter Smith, 1959.16
For more information on the removal of the Seminole; Stannard, David E. American Holocaust: The Conquest of the New World. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. P.124. For additional information about the Seminole Wars see; Churchill, Ward. “A Little Matter Of Genocide: Holocaust and Denial in the Americas 1492 to the Present.” San Francisco: City Lights Books, 1997.17
All dates for the political appointments of James Gadsden are cited from Paul Garber’s “The Gadsden Treaty.” Pages 74-81.18
Racial Anglo-Saxonism was a belief popular in the later 19th century which held that Europeans of Anglo-Saxon descent were at the forefront of evolution and were responsible to bring civilization to the world. This ideology was used as a convenient justification for the extermination and removal of Native Americans. For a detailed study of this ideology see: Horsman, Reginald. Race And Manifest Destiny: The Origins of American Racial Anglo-Saxonism. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981.19
For a detailed investigation of the role that the railroads played in the Gadsden purchase see; Schmidt, Louis B. “Manifest Opportunity and the Gadsden Purchase.” Arizona and the West, vol.3 (autumn 1961).20
Forbes, Jack D. The Papago-Apache Treaty of 1853: Property Rights and Religious Liberties of the O’odham, Maricopa and Other Native Peoples. Davis: Native American Studies Tecumseh Center, U.C. Davis, 1979. p.1.21
United States Congress. Joint Special Committee. Condition of The Indian Tribes. Report of the joint special committee, appointed under joint resolution of March 3, 1865. With an appendix. Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1865.22
Erickson, p.7723
During this time period many treaties were negotiated with native tribes in the regions west of the Mississippi to gain legal justification for the United States’ theft of their lands. For a detailed list of treaties signed between the United States and Native American tribes, see the compendium edited by Charles J. Kappler. Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties. 7 volumes. Washington, D.C.: Unites States Government Printing Office, 1903-4.24
Spicer, Edward H. Cycles of Conquest: The Impact of Spain, Mexico, and the United States on the Indians of the Southwest, 1533-1960. Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 1962. p.138.25
“Arizona News; Papago Cattle-thieves Brought to Justice.” Los Angeles Times. Feb 1, 1894. Also see: “Arizona News; Report Showing the Depredations Committed by Papago Indians on Stockmen’s Herds.” Los Angeles Times. June 8, 1895, In addition see; “Arizona News: Papagoes Destroying Cattle in Large Numbers.” Los Angeles Times. Mar 23, 1894.26
Kehoe, Lawrence. “Our New Indian Policy and Religious Liberty.” Catholic World, vol. 26 (Oct. 1887). P.96.27
Erickson p.78.28
“Tucson And Fort Lowell; Notes of a Visitor – The Church of San Xavier.” Los Angeles Times. Nov 18, 1882.29
The Spanish had brought the adobe style of construction to the O’odham but, although the resources for adobe construction were readily available to the O’odham at San Xavier, they continued to build their traditional grass huts.30
For a detailed study of traditional O’odham tribal structure and life style see; Underhill, Ruth M. Social Organization of the Papago Indians. Columbia: Columbia University Press, 1939. ________. Papago Woman. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1979.31
For the most part, traditional Native American societies exhibited gender parallelism and were rarely if ever patriarchal by definition. For a detailed study of gender in Native America see: Allen, Paula G. The Sacred Hoop: Recovering the Feminine in American Indian Traditions. Boston: Beacon Press, 1986.32
All direct quotations from Dawes Act. General Allotment Act (Dawes Act). February 8, 1887. Printed in its totality in: Prucha, Francis, P. ed. Documents of United States Indian Policy. 3rd ed. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2000.33
U.S. Congress, House Committee on Indian Affairs, Lands in Severalty to Indians: Report to Accompany H.R. 5038, 46th Cong., 2nd sess., May 28, 1880, H. Rept. 1576, pp.7-10. Reproduced in: Washburn, Wilcomb E. The Assault on Indian Tribalism: The General Allotment Law (Dawes Act) of 1887. Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Co., 1975.34
Letter from Henry L. Dawes to Henry M. Teller (Commissioner of Indian Affairs), September 19, 1882. Dawes Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. Reproduced in: Washburn, Wilcomb E. The Assault on Indian Tribalism: The General Allotment Law (Dawes Act) of 1887. Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Co., 1975.35
Washburn, Wilcomb E. The Assault on Indian Tribalism: The General Allotment Law (Dawes Act) of 1887. P.12.36
Washburn, p.16.37
Fontana, pp. 77-79.38
Erickson, p. 92.39
“Baboquivari Peak.” Los Angeles Times. Nov 4, 1894.40
The term “Wild Papago” was a term used by the government and media to marginalize those O’odham who continued to resist “civilization.”41
“The Indian War Cloud.” Los Angeles Times. May 22, 1885.42
The Calendar Stick was a device used by the O’odham as a tool to aid in the remembering of their history. The Calendar Stick itself was a cactus stick on which notches were carved at various intervals which aided the history keeper in the remembrance of events.43
Fontana, p.54.44
This example is meant to show the insidious nature of industrial technology and is not intended to place any blame on this specific group of O’odham for their ultimate choice to begin using the well. This example is given to show how industrial technology always comes with strings attached. In this case, once the village becomes dependent on the well they in turn become dependent on the Anglo civilization which is needed to maintain the functioning of such a well, and thus become less able to resist other Anglo incursions. In addition it must be pointed out here that the traditional water gathering procedure talked about was preformed by O’odham women. Due to this fact, some may feel that by resisting the building of the well, the male O’odham are in fact seeking to perpetuate patriarchy. It is true that the O’odham did have a system of gendered roles, but the overall system made room for exceptions and is best characterized as one of gender parallelism, not patriarchy. It is the Anglo industrial system that brought patriarchy to the O’odham. For more information see: Underhill, Ruth. Papago Woman. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1979. Also see: Allen, Paula G. The Sacred Hoop: Recovering the Feminine in American Indian Traditions. Boston: Beacon Press, 1986.45
Forbes, Jack D. The Papago-Apache Treaty of 1853: Property Rights and Religious Liberties of the O’odham, Maricopa and Other Native Peoples. Davis: Native American Studies Tecumseh Center, U.C. Davis, 1979. pp..5-8.46
Spicer, p. 140.47
Spicer, p.141.48
All quotes taken directly from: House Executive Document no.1, 48th Cong., 1st sess., serial 2190, pp.x-xii. Reproduced in; Prucha, Francis, P. ed. Documents of United States Indian Policy. 3rd ed. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2000.49
For a detailed account of the Vi-kita see: Davis, Edward H. The Papago Ceremony of Vikita. New York: Museum of The American Indian, 1920. Also see: Underhill, Ruth. Papago Woman. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1979.50
Blaine, Peter. Papagos and Politics. Tucson: The Arizona Historical Society, 1981. p.42.51
The expansive western O’odham reservation was officially called the Sells reservation. It was named after the first Indian agent in the region, John Sells.52
The Good Government League was formed by a small group of Protestant O’odham who used the organization to advocate for the assimilation of the O’odham into Anglo civilization as well as to promote general U.S. Indian policy.53
Blaine, pp.40-50.54
“Bill To Return Indian Rights ” Los Angeles Times. June 8, 1934.55
Lewis Meriam et al., The Problem of Indian Administration. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1928. Selection printed in: Prucha, Francis, P. ed. Documents of United States Indian Policy. 3rd ed. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2000.56
Annual Report of the Secretary of Interior, 1934, pp.78-83. Reprinted in; Prucha, Francis, P. ed. Documents of United States Indian Policy. 3rd ed. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2000.57
Wheeler-Howard Act (Indian Reorganization Act) June 18, 1934. U.S. Statutes at Large, 48:984-88. Re-printed in: Prucha, Francis, P. ed. Documents of United States Indian Policy. 3rd ed. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2000.58
Blaine, p.50.59
Wheeler-Howard Act (Indian Reorganization Act) June 18, 1934. U.S. Statutes at Large, 48:984-88. Re-printed in: Prucha, Francis, P. ed. Documents of United States Indian Policy. 3rd ed. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2000.60
Blaine, pp.50-53.61
McCool, Daniel. “Federal Indian Policy and the Sacred Mountains of the Papago Indians.” Journal of Ethnic Studies 9.3 (1981). p.62.62
Holm, Tom. “Fighting A White Mans War: The Extent and Legacy of American Indian Participation in World War II.” The Journal of Ethnic Studies. 9.2. p.70.63
For more on this aspect of the Indian Claims Commission, and a discussion about the termination act see: Forbes, Jack D. The Papago-Apache Treaty of 1853: Property Rights and Religious Liberties of the O’odham, Maricopa and Other Native Peoples. Davis: Native American Studies Tecumseh Center, U.C. Davis, 1979.64
Underhill, Ruth. Papago Woman. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1979. P.94.65
Blaine, p.115.66
Hendrix, Richard. Talk by Richard Hendricks, Prominent Papago Indian, Given at the Arizona Archaeological and Historical Society, November 16, 1942. The Kiva, vol. 8 (Nov. 1942).67
Blaine, p.92.68
Flaccus, Elmer. “Arizona’s Last Great Indian War: The Saga of Pia Machita.” The Journal of Arizona History, vol. 22 (1981).69
Blaine, p.101.70
Blain, pp.103-4.© 2004, REPRODUCTION FOR NON-PROFIT INFORMATIONAL PURPOSES IS ALLOWED
From Michael Moore: “15 Things Every American Can Do Right Now:”
> Friends, It’s the #1 question I’m constantly asked after people see my movie: “OK — so NOW what can I DO?!” You want something to do? Well, you’ve come to the right place! ‘Cause I got 15 things you and I can do right now to fight back and try to fix this very broken system. Here they are:
FIVE THINGS WE DEMAND THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS DO IMMEDIATELY:
1. Declare a moratorium on all home evictions. Not one more family should be thrown out of their home. The banks must adjust their monthly mortgage payments to be in line with what people’s homes are now truly worth — and what they can afford. Also, it must be stated by law: If you lose your job, you cannot be tossed out of your home.
2. Congress must join the civilized world and expand Medicare For All Americans. A single, nonprofit source must run a universal health care system that covers everyone. Medical bills are now the #1 cause of bankruptcies and evictions in this country. Medicare For All will end this misery. The bill to make this happen is called H.R. 3200. You must call AND write your members of Congress and demand its passage, no compromises allowed.
3. Demand publicly-funded elections and a prohibition on elected officials leaving office and becoming lobbyists. Yes, those very members of Congress who solicit and receive millions of dollars from wealthy interests must vote to remove ALL money from our electoral and legislative process. Tell your members of Congress they must support campaign finance bill H.R.1826.
4. Each of the 50 states must create a state-owned public bank like they have in North Dakota. Then congress MUST reinstate all the strict pre-Reagan regulations on all commercial banks, investment firms, insurance companies — and all the other industries that have been savaged by deregulation: Airlines, the food industry, pharmaceutical companies — you name it. If a company’s primary motive to exist is to make a profit, then it needs a set of stringent rules to live by — and the first rule is “Do no harm.” The second rule: The question must always be asked — “Is this for the common good?” (Click here for some info about the state-owned Bank of North Dakota.)
5. Save this fragile planet and declare that all the energy resources above and beneath the ground are owned collectively by all of us. Just like they do it in Sarah Palin’s socialist Alaska. We only have a few decades of oil left. The public must be the owners and landlords of the natural resources and energy that exists within our borders or we will descend further into corporate anarchy. And when it comes to burning fossil fuels to transport ourselves, we must cease using the internal combustion engine and instruct our auto/transportation companies to rehire our skilled workforce and build mass transit (clean buses, light rail, subways, bullet trains, etc.) and new cars that don’t contribute to climate change. (For more on this, here’s a proposal I wrote in December.) Demand that General Motors’ de facto chairman, Barack Obama, issue a JFK man-on-the-moon-style challenge to turn our country into a nation of trains and buses and subways. For Pete’s sake, people, we were the ones who invented (or perfected) these damn things in the first place!!
FIVE THINGS WE CAN DO TO MAKE CONGRESS AND THE PRESIDENT LISTEN TO US:
1. Each of us must get into the daily habit of taking 5 minutes to make four brief calls: One to the President (202-456-1414), one to your Congressperson (202-224-3121) and one to each of your two Senators (202-224-3121). To find out who represents you, click here. Take just one minute on each of these calls to let them know how you expect them to vote on a particular issue. Let them know you will have no hesitation voting for a primary opponent — or even a candidate from another party — if they don’t do our bidding. Trust me, they will listen. If you have another five minutes, click here to send them each an email. And if you really want to drop an anvil on them, send them a snail mail letter!
2. Take over your local Democratic Party. Remember how much fun you had with all those friends and neighbors working together to get Barack Obama elected? YOU DID THE IMPOSSIBLE. It’s time to re-up! Get everyone back together and go to the monthly meeting of your town or county Democratic Party — and become the majority that runs it! There will not be many in attendance and they will either be happy or in shock that you and the Obama Revolution have entered the room looking like you mean business. President Obama’s agenda will never happen without mass grass roots action — and he won’t feel encouraged to do the right thing if no one has his back, whether it’s to stand with him, or push him in the right direction. When you all become the local Democratic Party, send me a photo of the group and I’ll post it on my website.
3. Recruit someone to run for office who can win in your local elections next year — or, better yet, consider running for office yourself! You don’t have to settle for the incumbent who always expects to win. You can be our next representative! Don’t believe it can happen? Check out these examples of regular citizens who got elected: State Senator Deb Simpson, California State Assemblyman Isadore Hall, Tempe, Arizona City Councilman Corey Woods, Wisconsin State Assemblyman Chris Danou, and Washington State Representative Larry Seaquist. The list goes on and on — and you should be on it!
4. Show up. Picket the local branch of a big bank that took the bailout money. Hold vigils and marches. Consider civil disobedience. Those town hall meetings are open to you, too (and there’s more of us than there are of them!). Make some noise, have some fun, get on the local news. Place “Capitalism Did This” signs on empty foreclosed homes, closed down businesses, crumbling schools and infrastructure. (You can download them from my website.)
5. Start your own media. You. Just you (or you and a couple friends). The mainstream media is owned by corporate America and, with few exceptions, it will never tell the whole truth — so you have to do it! Start a blog! Start a website of real local news (here’s an example: The Michigan Messenger). Tweet your friends and use Facebook to let them know what they need to do politically. The daily papers are dying. If you don’t fill that void, who will?
FIVE THINGS WE SHOULD DO TO PROTECT OURSELVES AND OUR LOVED ONES UNTIL WE GET THROUGH THIS MESS:
1. Take your money out of your bank if it took bailout money and place it in a locally-owned bank or, preferably, a credit union.
2. Get rid of all your credit cards but one — the kind where you have to pay up at the end of the month or you lose your card.
3. Do not invest in the stock market. If you have any extra cash, put it away in a savings account or, if you can, pay down on your mortgage so you can own your home as soon as possible. You can also buy very safe government savings bonds or T-bills. Or just buy your mother some flowers.
4. Unionize your workplace so that you and your coworkers have a say in how your business is run. Here’s how to do it (more info here). Nothing is more American than democracy, and democracy shouldn’t be checked at the door when you enter your workplace. Another way to Americanize your workplace is to turn your business into a worker-owned cooperative. You are not a wage slave. You are a free person, and you giving up eight hours of your life every day to someone else is to be properly compensated and respected.
5. Take care of yourself and your family. Sorry to go all Oprah on you, but she’s right: Find a place of peace in your life and make the choice to be around people who are not full of negativity and cynicism. Look for those who nurture and love. Turn off the TV and the Blackberry and go for a 30-minute walk every day. Eat fruits and vegetables and cut down on anything that has sugar, high fructose corn syrup, white flour or too much sodium (salt) in it (and, as Michael Pollan says, “Eat (real) food, not too much, mostly plants”). Get seven hours of sleep each night and take the time to read a book a month. I know this sounds like I’ve turned into your grandma, but, dammit, take a good hard look at Granny — she’s fit, she’s rested and she knows the names of both of her U.S. Senators without having to Google them. We might do well to listen to her. If we don’t put our own “oxygen mask” on first (as they say on the airplane), we will be of no use to the rest of the nation in enacting any of this action plan!
I’m sure there are many other ideas you can come up with on how we can build this movement. Get creative. Think outside the politics-as-usual box. BE SUBVERSIVE! Think of that local action no one else has tried. Behave as if your life depended on it. Be bold! Try doing something with reckless abandon. It may just liberate you and your community and your nation.
Compulsory insurance premiums represent the privatization of taxes. Talk about taxation without representation. How would a personal expense mandated by the government be any different than a tax? The burden is contributed toward the common good, but administrated privately. While oversight might fall to civil service regulators, nowhere is an elected official part of the loop. They’re privatizing the public sector: the military, the utilities, the media, the schools, the Postal Service, and of course they’re after Social Security. Taxpayers pay for the social safety net. Making them pay health insurance premiums is to privatize their taxes.
High Country Earth First has set its sights on halting expansion of Interstate 70 through Colorado. This is more than a fight over urban neighborhoods, or Rocky Mountain foothills to be despoiled. The expansion of I-70, like I-29 and others, is about bulking up America’s commercial trucking thoroughfares, the infrastructure critical to greater NAFTA globalism, and the veins into which America feeds its addiction to oil.
Here’s the HCEF flier being distributed to Denver residences.
TOP TEN REASONS TO OPPOSE I-70 EXPANSION
Environmental Racism – More than 90% of the people in Elyria / Swansea neighborhood are people of color and about 30% are officially low-income. Even the government’s official Draft Environmental Impact Statement admits the expansion would have a disproportionate impact on minority and low-income people.
Pollution – I-70 expansion would multiply the long-term impact of noise and air pollution on the community in Elyria / Swansea. Emissions of some air pollutants are expected to increase by 50% in the next 20 years if I-70 is expanded. During the three years of construction, additional noise and air pollution would be created.
Displacement – I-70 realignment would demolish 18 to 53 homes in Elyria/ Swansea. The neighborhood post office would be lost, and residents would have to travel 2 or 3 miles to the nearest post office. Many low-income residents will have to find housing outside of Denver, increasing community destruction.
Job Loss – I-70 realignment would displace 52-58 businesses. The National Western Stock Show, which hires many local residents for temporary labor, would be moved to a new location. Other neighborhood emplowers will also be displaced by expansion or re-routing. Food Access – One of the two grocery stores in the neighborhood, a Latino grocery, would be demolished. The area of North Denver is already underserved by grocers; eliminating more only increases the problem.
Recreation – The I-70 realignment plan would place a vehicle bypass near Elyria Park, increasing vehicle noise, and would create new barriers to the Park by way of increased traffic. This will further the death of the neighborhood by making it even less enjoyable to live in.
Hazardous Wastes – Construction would disturb over 100 acres of hazardous materials sites where arsenic, lead, cadmium, and contaminated soil and groundwater are located. Increased trucking on I-70 will bring greater amounts of haz-mat through the area as well, increasing the risk of accidens and spills.
Land Use – The plan requires over 300 acres of urban land acquisition including 10-41 residential properties, 101-142 commercial properties, and 17 acres of Open Space, space that could be used for homes, schools, gardens, playgrounds, parks, and, more.
Cost – Expansion would cost between $1.3 and $1.9 billion, plus $7 to $10 million yearly in additional maintenance. This at a time when human services is facing massive cuts and education is on a $300 million chopping block.
Wildlife – Realignment would destroy 220 acres of resident mule deer area, 205 acres white tail deer overall range, 50 acres bald eagle winter range and winter prey, 21 acres prarie dog habitat, and increased invasive/noxious weed infestations.
The real solution isn’t expanding the highway, but reducing the traffic. Rather than displacing a neighborhood, destroying the environment, and contributing to global warming, lets create solutions that reduce our reliance on fossil fuels and cars.
The I-70 expansion, what is it? The Colorado Department of Transportation (CDOT) has decided that Interstate 70, the main east/west freeway through Denver needs to be expanded in the section which passes through north Denver, from its intersection with I-25 to Quebec street.
There are two main proposals being considered by CDOT. The first would expand the current viaduct from six to ten lanes and keep I-70 in its current location. The second proposal, and the one favored by the power brokers in Denver, is to reroute (detour) I-70 north from its intersection with I-25 along the Platte river/Brighton boulevard area, and then connect up with highway 270 to where in reconnects with the current I-70 path at Quebec street. This expansion/detour would be eight lanes and add roughly 2 miles to the length of I-70 through this section. The cost for these proposals ranges from 1.25 to 2 BILLION dollars. Either expansion will gut the neighborhoods of Globeville, Elyria, and Swansea, and increase air pollution in other North Denver neighborhoods. These plans are discussed in detail in the Environmental Impact Statement which can be found at www.i-70east.com/
But do we even need an I-70 expansion? CDOT justifies this expansion by saying that we need to expand I-70 to meet future traffic needs, based on growth in the eastern suburbs. However, this urban sprawl is completely unsustainable and may not even happen considering the housing market. The real reason CDOT wants to expand I-70 is to decrease congestion for cross-country truck traffic. Minor slowdowns in urban areas can cost trucking companies millions of dollars; CDOT is really working for the trucking companies, not us.
There’s no real reason to expand I-70. And considering the costs, financially and otherwise (see other side) it seems like more than just a stupid idea but also a downright bad one. Several groups are working to prevent the expansion. They need you to succeed.
Email: noi70expansion@gmail.com to get involved.
COLORADO SPRINGS- The superintendent of District 12 schools announced Friday that Barack Obama’s address to schoolchildren on Tuesday will not be shown in his district’s schools. I’m no defender of this president, but I have to ask, what possible rationale could excuse such disrespect? It’s probably too easy to decry racism, so what’s left?
Personally, of course, I could imagine steering schoolchildren clear of George W. Bush. Old President Bush had a 13% or so approval rating. Foreign leaders dismissed him as a moron. It was whispered that he’d resumed drinking, and it was common knowledge that he’d been a cocaine user until his forties. George Bush was no example for impressionable youth. What parent could hold him up as a role model, other than the town drunk or village idiot who was not to be emulated? But I’m certain the same schools just a year ago would never have crossed that president.
Setting aside his surprising political turns, Barack Obama projects inspiring leadership qualities. He speaks intelligently with attentiveness and compassion. His message to children is to be one of encouragement in the hard times ahead, dealing with the increased imperative of higher education. Recent generations have been growing successively nihilistic. Perhaps the economy’s turn is an appropriate occasion for a president to address our nation’s kids. We like to call them our future.
Bush gave our schools the disastrous NO CHILD LEFT BEHIND ACT which completely degraded public schools and ushered the calls for privatization of education under the guise of Charter Schools. In Colorado, Bush’s measure prompted the CSAPs, which hobble teachers by requiring classes to focus on passing standardized tests, instead of teaching broader lessons. Bush’s act also guarantees that military recruiters have access to the personal records of our children at their most vulnerable, to more easily prey upon them when they are rebellious teens. Bush was no friend of schoolchildren.
Obama on the other hand won a decisive victory in November, and no small number of his supporters were young children. Many teachers were pushing for Obama and his promise of hope, in the midst of a culture of pessimism sowed by George W. and his destructive agendas. Bush waged war against everything schoolchildren are fostered to care about. Obama’s campaign represented salvation for our planet. How now are school administrators prepared to extricate the students from their own personal rapport with the new president?
To quote a favorite Twit, Badbanana:
Obama is going to address the nation’s schoolchildren? One good fart joke and the Democrats control Congress for 60 years.
We know of course the high pitched extremists groups whom the superintendent thinks he is placating. They are the Teabaggers and Birthers who reject Obama as president. “He’s not my president” they say. They learned the phrase from their adversaries who protested the stolen elections of 2000 and 2004, but never understood its meaning. Obviously they have nothing to teach children about the workings of democracy.
At the recent health care town hall hosted by Congressman Doug Lamborn, I had a chance to witness these Birthers, so named because they reject Barack Obama’s birth certificate. They are so certain that Obama will be discovered to be foreign born and will thus be stripped of the presidency. “Three More Months, Three More Months” they countered, while progressive citizens were chanting for health care reform.
Local wing nut business owner Ed Bircham was dancing a jig singing “Ho Ho, Obama’s Got To Go, Ho Ho.” Egged on by KVOR djs and unabashed gay-bashers, Ed Bircham repeated his calls for Obama’s removal from office.
Incredible. Obama hasn’t done anything yet –which is my complaint– so what have the teabaggers against him? It’s patently absurd, if it wasn’t so obviously bigoted. “No Country For Old Bigots” I yelled.
Actually I joined local NAACP leader James Tucker in interjecting “Obama Is Your President” between Bircham’s call for his ouster. “Respect Your President” we found ourselves saying, even as I knew that I would not hold myself to such restraint. On the other hand, my opposition to President Obama has nothing to do with his skin color. On what principles do these white men disagree with Barack Obama, except that they’re not about to show deference to a nigger?
Maybe you don’t fear facing off with an army intelligence interrogator, FBI detective, or secret service agent sitting in a Fusion Center determined to anticipate your next move. But what about a loan officer, insurance adjuster, arbitration negotiator, prospective employer, or plaintiff’s lawyer taking your deposition, who’s armed with your psychological profile made up of your Facebook quiz answers? Your plan to defeat an IRS polygraph by clenching your butt-cheeks is a plan B of olden days. The ACLU has been anticipating these eventualities for you. They’ve devised their own Facebook quiz to illustrate.
The Facebook disclaimer makes clear, between the lines, that when you “allow” an application access to your personal information, the app’s third party can suck up every last detail of your file, “for the quiz to work.” It also grants access to each of your friends’ entire files, each time YOU click “allow.”
Now you may feel like you’ve put everything up on Facebook voluntarily. You can presume your friends did too. And although our info is limited to our friend circles, we probably assume that determined sleuths can extract it all anyway. And that’s certainly true. Even casual idiots can sidle up to glean important details without arousing our suspicions. We presume no insurance company or parole officer is going to preemptively fill their files with happenstance biographical queries, and so we feel safe.
We overlook that the great value of social networks to us, the web of connections, provides the filing tabs by which information aggregators can accumulate their data in a useful, ie. commercial, manner.
Soon we’ll have to worry about underwriters or graduate schools or fiance’s parents dismissing us outright based on our DNA. When that day comes, every marriage will be arranged, and preschools will have sufficient information to accept applicants in utero.
For now the thought of an accessible collation of my Watson-Glaser, Yale-Brown, Myers-Briggs, and which-potted-plant-most-resembles-you tests already hinders my being able to look you in the eye. I am who I want to be, and my 16th Century royaum is shrinking.
I’ve forgotten: is school the hard-fought birthright that enables men to guard their liberty with an educated vigilance, or is it where the majority become indoctrinated to march in lockstep upon the rest? Inhancing our kids’ nuturing with information they wouldn’t be getting from their parents is beginning to resemble the school inoculations, whether mandatory or coerced. The schools will make fascists of our children or they will kill them.
Full text of Alaska Ex-Governor Sarah Palin‘s poetic address, 
wherein she explains that her contract with the voters of Alaska has a “lame duck” escape clause, stuff about a God-given right to despoil, some veiled threats to shoot gun-control revenuers, and the protections of both First Amendments.
Sarah Palin, July 26, 2009, Fairbanks AK:
“What an absolutely beautiful day it is,
and it is my honor to speak to all Alaskans,
to our Alaskan family
this last time as your governor.
And it is always great to be in Fairbanks.
The rugged rugged hardy people that live up here
and some of the most patriotic people
whom you will ever know live here,
and one thing that you are known for
is your steadfast support
of our military community up here
and I thank you for that
and thank you United States military
for protecting the greatest nation on Earth.
Together we stand.And getting up here
I say it is the best road trip in America
soaring through nature’s finest show.
Denali, the great one, soaring
under the midnight sun.And then the extremes.
In the winter time
it’s the frozen road that is competing
with the view of ice fogged frigid beauty,
the cold though, doesn’t it
split the Cheechakos
from the Sourdoughs?And then in the summertime
such extreme summertime
about a hundred and fifty degrees hotter
than just some months ago,
than just some months from now,
with fireweed blooming
along the frost heaves
and merciless rivers that are rushing
and carving and reminding us
that here, Mother Nature wins.
It is as throughout all Alaska
that big wild good life
teeming along the road
that is north to the future.That is what we get to see every day.
Now what the rest of America
gets to see along with us
is in this last frontier
there is hope and opportunity
and there is country pride.And it is our men and women in uniform securing it,
and we are facing tough challenges in America
with some seeming to just be Hell bent
maybe on tearing down our nation,
perpetuating some pessimism, and suggesting
American apologetics, suggesting perhaps
that our best days were yesterdays.But as other people have asked,
“How can that pessimism be,
when proof of our greatness, our pride today
is that we produce the great proud volunteers
who sacrifice everything for country?”
Now this week alone, Sean Parnell and I
were on the, um, on Ft. Rich
the base there, the army chapel,
and we heard the last roll call,
and the sounding of Taps
for three very brave, very young Alaskan soldiers
who just gave their all for all of us.
Together we do stand with gratitude
for our troops who protect all of our cherished freedoms,
including our freedom of speech
which, par for the course, I’m going to exercise.And first, some straight talk
for some, just some in the media
because another right protected for all of us
is freedom of the press,
and you all have such important jobs
reporting facts and informing the electorate,
and exerting power to influence.
You represent what could and should be
a respected honest profession
that could and should be
the cornerstone of our democracy.Democracy depends on you,
and that is why, that’s why
our troops are willing to die for you.
So, how ’bout in honor of the American soldier,
ya quite makin’ things up?
And don’t underestimate the wisdom of the people,
and one other thing for the media,
our new governor has a very nice family too,
so leave his kids alone.OK, today is a beautiful day
and today as we swear in Sean Parnell,
no one will be happier than I
to witness by God’s grace
Alaskans with strength of character
advancing our beloved state.
Sean has that.
Craig Campbell has that.
I remember on that December day,
we took the oath to uphold our state constitution,
and it was written right here in Fairbanks
by very wise pioneers.We shared the vision for government
that they ground in that document.
Our founders wrote “all political power is inherent in the people.
All government originates with the people.
It’s founded upon their will only
and it’s instituted for the good of the people as a whole.”
Their remarkably succinct words
guided us in all of our efforts
in serving you and putting you first,
and we have done our best to fulfill promises
that I made on Alaska Day, 2005,
when I first asked for the honor of serving you.Remember then, our state so desired
and so deserved ethics reform.
We promised it, and now it is the law.
Ironically, it needs additional reform
to stop blatant abuse from partisan operatives,
and I hope the lawmakers will continue that reform.
We promised that you would finally see
a fair return on your Alaskan owned natural resources
so we build a new oil and gas appraisal system,
an is an equitable formula to usher in
a new era of competition and transparency
and protection for Alaskans and the producers.ACES incentivizes new exploration
and it’s the exploration that is our future.
It opens up oil basins and it ensures
that the people will never be taken advantage of again.
Don’t forget Alaskans
you are the resource owners per our constitution
and that’s why for instance last year
when oil prices soared and state coffers swelled,
but you were smacked with high energy prices,
we sent you the energy rebate. See,
it’s your money and I’ve always believed
that you know how to better spend it
than government can spend it.I promised that we would protect this beautiful environment
while safely and ethically developing resources, and we did.
We built the Petroleum Oversight Office
and a sub-cabinet to study climate conditions.
And I promised I’d govern with fiscal restraint,
so to not immorally burden futre generations.
And we did…we slowed the rate of government growth
and I vetoed hundreds of millions of dollars of excess
and wtih lawmakers we saved billions for the future.I promsed that we’d lead the charge
to forward funding education,
and hold schools accountable,
and improve opportunities for special needs students
and elevate vo-tech training
and we paid down pension debt.I promised that we would manage our fish and wildlife for abundance,
and that we would defend the constitution, and we have,
though outside special interest groups
they still just don’t get it on this one.
Let me tell you, Alaskans really need to stick together on this
with new leadership in this area especially,
encouraging new leadership…
got to stiffen your spine to do what’s right
for Alaska when the pressure mounts,
because you’re going to see anti-hunting,
anti-second amendment circuses from Hollywood
and here’s how they do it.They use these delicate, tiny, very talented celebrity starlets,
they use Alaska as a fundraising tool
for their anti-second amendment causes.
Stand strong, and remind them
patriots will protect our guaranteed,
individual right to bear arms,
and by the way, Hollywood needs to know,
we eat, therefore we hunt.I promised energy solutions and we have,
we have a plan calling for 50% of our electricity
generated by renewable resources
and we can now insist that those who hold the leases
to develop our resources
that they do so now on Alaska’s terms.
So now finally after decades of just talk,
finally we’re seeing oil and gas drilling
up there at Point Thompson.And I promised that we would get
a natural gas pipeline underway and we did.
Since I was a little kid growing up here,
I remember the discussions,
especially the political discussions
just talking about and hoping for
and dreaming of commercializing
our clean, abundant, needed natural gas.Our gas line inducement act, AGIA,
that was the game-changer
and this is thanks to our outstanding gas line team,
and the legislature adopting this law, 58-1.
They knew, they know AGIA is the vehicle
to drive this monumental energy project
and bring everyone to the table,
this bipartisan victory,
it came from Alaskans working together
with free market private sector principles,
and now we are on the road
to the largest private-sector energy project
in the history of America.
It is for Alaska’s future,
it is for America’s energy independence
and it will make us a more peaceful,
prosperous and secure nation.What I promised, we accomplished.
“We” meaning state staff,
amazing commissioners,
great staff assisting them,
and conscientious Alaskans
outside the bureaucracy –
Tom Van Flein, and Meg Stapleton
and Kristan Cole, so many others,
many volunteers who just stepped up
to the challenge as good Alaskans,
but nothing, nothing could have succeeded
without my right-hand man Kris Perry.
She is the sharpest, boldest, hardest-working partner.
Kris is my right-hand man and much success is due to Kris.So much success, and Alaska
there is much good in store further down the road,
but to reach it we must value
and live the optimistic pioneering spirit
that made this state proud and free,
and we can resist enslavement to big central government
that crushes hope and opportunity.
Be wary of accepting government largess.
It doesn’t come free and often, accepting it
takes away everything that is free,
melting into Washington’s powerful “care-taking” arms
will just suck incentive to work hard
and chart our own course
right out of us,
and that not only contributes to an unstable economy
and dizzying national debt,
but it does make us less free.I resisted the stimulus package.
I resisted the stimulus package
and we have championed earmark reform,
slashing earmark requests by 85%
to break the cycle of dependency
on a stifling, unsustainable federal agenda,
and other states should follow this
for their and for America’s stability.
We don’t have to feel
that we must beg an allowance from Washington,
except to beg the allowance to be self-determined.
See, to be self-sufficient,
Alaska must be allowed to develop –
to drill and build and climb,
to fulfill statehood’s promise.
At statehood we knew this.At statehood we knew this,
that we are responsible for ourselves
and our families and our future,
and fifty years later,
please let’s not start believing
that government is the answer.
It can’t make you happy
or healthy or wealthy or wise.
What can? It is the wisdom of the people
and our families and our small businesses,
and industrious individuals,
and it is God’s grace,
helping those who help themselves,
and then this allows that very generous
voluntary hand up that we’re known for,
enthusiastically providing those who need it.Alaskans will remember that years ago,
remember we sported the old bumper sticker that said,
“Alaska. We Don’t Give a Darn How They Do It Outside?”
Do you remember that? I remember that,
and remember it was because we would be different.
We’d roll up our sleeves,
and we would diligently sow and reap,
and we can still do this
to carve wealth out of the wilderness
and make our living on the water,
with strong hands and innovative minds,
now with smarter technology.It is what our first people and our parents did.
It worked, because they worked.
We must be prudent and persistent
and press for the people’s right
to responsibly develop God-given resources
for the maximum benefit of the people.And we have come so far in just 50 years.
We’re no longer a frontier outpost
on the periphery of the world’s greatest nation.
Now, as a contributor and a securer of America,
we can attain our destiny
in the promise of our motto “North to the Future.”
See, the pressing issue of our time,
it’s energy independence,
because there is an inherent link
between energy and security,
and energy and prosperity.
Alaska will lead with energy,
we will prove you can be both
pro-development and pro-environment,
because no one loves their clean air
and their land and their wildlife
and their water more than an Alaskan.
We will protect it.Yes, America must look north to the future
for security, for energy independence,
for our strategic location on the globe.
Alaska is the gate-keeper of the continent.So, we are here today at a changing of the guard.
Now, people who know me,
and they know how much I love this state,
some still are choosing not to hear
why I made the decision
to chart a new course to advance the state.
And it should be so obvious to you. (indicating heckler)
It is because I love Alaska this much, sir (at heckler)
that I feel it is my duty to avoid
the unproductive, typical, politics as usual,
lame duck session in one’s last year in office.
How does that benefit you?
No, with this decision now,
I will be able to fight even harder for you,
for what is right, for truth.
And I have never felt
like you need a title to do that.So, as we all move forward together,
let’s vow to keep championing Alaska,
to advocate responsible development,
and smaller government, and freedom,
and when I took the oath to serve you,
I promised… remember I promised
to steadfastly and doggedly guard
the interests of this great state
like that grizzly guards her cubs,
as a mother naturally guards her own.And I will keep that vow
wherever the road may lead.
Todd and I, and Track, Bristol,
Tripp, Willow, Piper, Trig…I think I got ’em all.
We will forever be so grateful
for the honor of our lifetime to have served you.
Our whole big diverse full and fun family,
we all thank you and I am very very blessed
to have had their support all along,
for Todd’s support. I am thankful too.
I have been blessed
to have been raised in this last frontier.
Thank you for our home, Mom and Dad,
because in Alaska
it is not an easy living,
but it is a good living,
and here it is impossible to lose your way.
Wherever the road may lead you,
we have that steadying great north star to guide us home.So let’s all enjoy the ride, and I thank you Alaska,
and God bless Alaska and God bless America.”
I don’t know if I’ve published this here or not or how I packaged it. But for background, the “p” stands for “piastre” a South VietNamese coin that was worth a little less than a quarter of a U.S. penny. This was the “Great Free Market Opportunity” our government was sending people to fight and die to defend. The way I heard it on some occasions it’s used to condemn the VietNamese people.”How nasty and vile and filthy they are” for living in such poverty.
But it was the VietNamese version of a washroom attendant, a little old granny lady… “Wipe your ass for you, GI… 2p, 2p do extra good job 2p, 2p…”
Yes, we were there, so it seems, to give the people such a wonderful Free Market and the opportunity to wipe our asses for less than a half a cent per “use”.
And to despise them for being so desperately poor.
I wasn’t there, my sources were, so what if you say it’s false?
Talk to them, those who are still alive that is.
Now there’s a war going on in Honduras, backed exclusively by U.S. and Canadian corporations, to topple a “Dictator” who was going to nationalize the resources of Honduras and make the U.S. and Canadian corporations pay more than the 3-4 dollars a day for the labor of the People of Honduras.
The police and military have been battling in the streets for a week now, busting the heads of “elitists” who are trying to “enslave” everybody in Honduras. They did this in a Military coup ahead of an election that the “Dictator” probably would have won.
That there’s no CIVILIANS out busting the heads of these “elitists” and “Communist Radicals” tells a far different story than you might hear on, say, Fox News or in the Colorado Springs Gazette.
In Nicaragua the goon-squads were called “Contras” and backed by the same people who bring us Fox News and the Gazette. They bombed and shot up schools, orphanages, churches and hospitals, and “our” government called them Heroes and Freedom Fighters.
In Mexico, the PAN party has been running the show for a while now. They took over from the “socialist radicals” in the PRI party and for the same reason as Honduras, and Nicaragua, and South VietNamese, to give the people “Freedom” and the unfettered “Free Market” and all the benefits of Capitalism.
Doug Lamborn and Tancredo and Michelle Malkin tell us so, thus, it must be true.
They also tell us that the economy in Mexico after two and a half terms of a PAN controlled “Free” government, so filled with opportunity… is somehow oh.. how does one make this sound logical… fueling a massive wave of Illegal Immigration into the United States. By people seeking to feed their families.
Record Numbers in fact.
My my my my my… give them all the Benefits of a Reagan-inspired Libertarian Free Market and their country falls to shit and more of the people have to flee poverty and come here to find work.
Like the KTEL commercials used to say “Now how much would you pay? BUT WAIT! THERE’S MORE!”
They’re wanting to expand the same Corporate Free Market Rule all across the United States as well, promising us such wonderful Economic Freedom and Opportunity…
Wipe your ass GI, 2p, 2p…
Need another tipoff that the sport of lacrosse is early combat training? The leading equipment purveyor is Warrior Sports.
This photo was taken at the 2009 Jamboree in Denver Colorado, where teams of little white boys converged to declare state champions. The sea of white was interrupted by a single black team, a girls team, I conjecture because women’s lacrosse is played more like field hockey, necessitating much less protective gear. From sticks to heads, to helmet, to Kevlar, every element of Lacrosse gear had a starting price of $120, going up.
Schools don’t have budgets to support both football and lacrosse armature. Lacrosse leagues are sort of the charter schools of youth sports: only those with disposable incomes need apply. If African American youth dominate you school sport programs, why not take you Anglo-Saxon tykes to fields where they can dominate each other without a challenger’s interruption? But I digress.
Lacrosse is for tots who already harbor an innate itch to thrust handguns forward, but have to be taught that, in every useful gunfight save those of James Bond, standard issue is an assault rifle, which necessitates both hands, and best represented in early boot camp as its earliest belligerent incarnation: the stick.
Kids like lacrosse because they get to swing their sticks at others with wild abandon. It’s especially fun, I’m told, when you really hate your opponents.